By Pueros

‘….if they knew what manner of woman she is, how wise in her counsels, how steadfast in following out her designs, how firm towards her soldiers, how large-hearted when necessity arises, how stern when discipline demands.’

- Emperor Aurelian, speaking to the Roman Senate about Queen Zenobia of Palmyra, according to Trebellius Pollio (‘Tyranni Triginta’, XXX)

(Sirmium, Pannonia Inferior, Illyria [modern Sremska Mitrovica, Vojvodina, Serbia], January 270 CE)

Illyria, or ‘’Iλλυρία’ in Greek and ‘Illyricum’ in Latin, was an ancient geographical term given to the north-west Balkans. In modern times, the region roughly equates to southerly parts of Austria, Hungary and Slovakia, plus Albania and old Yugoslavia excluding Macedonia, namely the new states of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro.

The Romans eventually conquered Illyria in 168 BCE. The region was of vital strategic importance to them, representing a vulnerable gateway to and from Italy and a buffer against the dangerous roaming barbarians of northern and eastern Europe.

Illyria also possessed a number of important ports and several lucrative gold mines. However, most important of all for the Romans, the region, whose warriors were renowned for fighting ability and toughness, became a fertile recruiting centre of excellent soldiers and commanders for the legions.

Several significant Emperors eventually emanated from the region, including the later Diocletian and Constantine I. The current leader of the Roman world, Marcus Aurelius Valerius Claudius, known as Claudius II, was also an Illyrian but his reign of less than two years was about to end. However, unlike all of his many predecessors in the 3rd century CE, except for the first, Septimius Sevrus, he was to die of natural causes.

The immediate successors to Septimius Sevrus, namely his quarrelling sons, Caracalla and Geta, plus Macrinus and Elagabalus, were all murdered or executed. However, the real decline in Imperial fortunes began when Alexander Sevrus was assassinated by his own soldiers in 235 CE, after his legions had been defeated during an invasion of Persia. Prominent generals subsequently fought each other for control of the Empire.

In the next 50 years of chaos, amidst what was termed the ‘Crisis of the Third Century’ by later historians, about thirty generals were proclaimed Emperor by armies around the Empire. Consequently, rival candidates and their supporting military forces fought each other rather than Rome’s enemies.

Of the 27 so-called Emperors with the most recognisable authority in this period, 17 were assassinated by their own troops, 7 were killed in battle and 2 were compelled to commit suicide. Assuming the Imperial throne appeared to be deferred suicide.

Meanwhile, as a consequence of the infighting, the Empire’s borders became neglected and vulnerable to regular attack by barbarians, such as the Germanic Alamanni, the Carpi from Dacia [modern Rumania] and Goths and Vandals. Aided by the excellent Roman road system, some invaders even destructively wandered around Imperial territories at will. Cities such as Athens and Tarraco [modern Tarragona, Spain], far from any frontiers and long pacified and therefore easy prey, were sacked.

Rome’s major foe in the east, the Persians, now ruled by the capable and persistent Sassanid dynasty, which was even more formidable and ruthless than the Parthian predecessor, also enjoyed significant successes in that region. Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, Syria and Palestine were overrun and in 260 CE the Roman Emperor Valerian was actually captured, acutely humiliated, by for example being forced to act as the enemy’s king’s footstool, and horribly killed.

By 270 CE, Rome appeared to be in terminal decline. In the previous 35 years, about two-thirds of Imperial territory had been lost. Such losses had been considerably boosted by the fact that the western provinces of Gaul, Germania, Hispania and Britannia [modern France and the Low Countries, western Germany, Spain and Britain] had broken away under the original instigation of a general named Postumus to form a separate ‘Gallic Empire’.

Such calamities also brought economic collapse. Hyperinflation of up to 1000% ensued and, because the coinage was consequently virtually worthless, bartering returned to being a major means of exchange.

Claudius II tried valiantly to reverse these trends and in his short reign achieved some notable successes. In September 268, he routed the Goths at the Battle of Naissus in Illyria. He drove the survivors back over the River Danube, from where they never really threatened the Empire again for another century, and he was later awarded the honorific title of ‘Gothicus Maximus’ for his victory. A couple of months later, he did similar to the Alamanni, who had crossed the Alps, at the Battle of Lake Benacus [modern Lake Garda in northern Italy].

Claudius II Gothicus subsequently turned his attention to reclaiming the so-called Gallic Empire. He won several victories, regaining Hispania and the valley of the River Rhodanus [modern Rhone] in southern Gaul, before having to return to his homeland of Illyria to attempt to repel another barbarian invasion, this time by Vandals. However, plague was currently rife in the region and the Emperor succumbed to the disease.

Claudius II Gothicus died of the plague in January 270 at the age of 56, ironically in his home city of Sirmium. Illyria had by now been divided into three provinces, namely Pannonia Superior and Inferior, in respectively the north-west and north-east, and Dalmatia in the south.

Sirmium was the capital of Pannonia Inferior and was one of the oldest cities in Europe. Archaeological evidence of organised human life dating from 5000 BCE has been found there.

Claudius II’s brother, Quintillus, subsequently proclaimed himself Roman Emperor. However, the legions based on the River Danube preferred a different general, another Illyrian named Lucius Domitius Aurelianus.

Lucius Domitius Aurelianus, who was of humble Illyrian stock, had been Claudius II’s highly capable cavalry commander and had played important roles at the Battles of Naissus and Lake Benacus. He soon prevailed in the argument over should be the next Emperor and Quintillus, like many who sought the throne before him, was soon killed.

(Palmyra, Syria, later same year, summer 270 CE)

Palmyra was a lovely desert oasis city and had officially been part of the Roman province of Syria since the reign of Emperor Tiberius. The metropolis occupied an important strategic position between the Empire and that of the Persians. This situation had actually led to much prosperity in recent centuries, as a result of hosting a lucrative main caravan trade route between the two mighty Imperial entities, and the likes of India and China further east.

Septimius Odaenathus was from one of Palmyra’s most important and richest families. His first name indicated that they had been granted Roman citizenship, presumably as a reward for loyalty, by an Emperor of the Severan dynasty.

Septimius Odaenathus had proved himself to be a highly capable general of the famed Palmyrene heavy cavalry and mounted archers. Emperor Valerian had therefore made him Governor of the whole of Syria, with the local Roman legions under his control.

When Valerian was defeated, captured and executed by the Persians led by Shapur I in 260 and after having his own propitious overtures rejected, Odaenathus abandoned the idea of attempting to secure a peace treaty. He instead sought revenge for the calamity.

Odaenathus proved to be highly successful in the subsequent war, re-taking the previously lost parts of Palestine, Syria, Asia Minor and Mesopotamia, and even twice sacking the Persian capital of Ctesiphon. For his efforts, he was awarded honorific titles and greater powers by the Romans that effectively made him the local king and, although technically their vassal, in full control of the region.

Odaenathus was assassinated with his oldest son, Hairan, during a celebration in 267 CE by a nephew with a grievance, Maconius. The latter then tried to usurp power.

Maconius’ ambitions were soon thwarted, however, when he in turn was assassinated in the following year due to the plotting of Odaenathus’ young second wife, the exceptionally beautiful Zenobia. In his ‘The Decline of the Roman Empire’, Edward Gibbon, albeit writing 1½ millennia after her lifetime, described this Queen as “The most lovely as well as the most heroic of her sex….Her large black eyes sparkled with an uncommon fire, tempered by the most attractive sweetness”.

The ambitious dark-featured Zenobia subsequently became regent of Palmyra on behalf of her baby son, Vaballathus. She began her rule by diplomatically carrying on her late husband’s work in ostensibly safeguarding the east for Rome against the Sassanids. However, her ambitions and the Roman Empire’s problems eventually encouraged her to plot the establishment of her own expanded and fully independent state.

In 269 BCE, Zenobia made a bid to bring Egypt under her influence. She used as an excuse an intervention to crush a revolt against Roman rule.

Zenobia eventually succeeded in taking Egypt. She aided her cause by falsely declaring herself to be a direct descendent of Cleopatra VII and Mark Antony through Drucilla of Mauretania [see ‘The Last of the Pharaohs’ by the same author for more details of this family], as well as the mythical founding Queen of Carthage, Dido.

Zenobia, however, next made a huge misjudgement. Hearing of the death of the capable Claudius II Gothicus in January 270 CE and the subsequent renewed bloody squabbling for the Imperial throne, which she considered made Rome too weak to interfere, she declared her now 4 year-old son, Vaballathus, who had inherited many of his mother’s exceptionally beautiful features, as ‘Augustus’. She also awarded herself the female honorific of ‘Augusta’.

These titles were generally reserved for Roman Emperors and their wives or mothers and the awards therefore essentially represented a declaration of independence and of the establishment of a new Palmyrene Empire.

(Rome, 1½ years later, late 271 CE)

During the early part of his reign, Lucius Domitius Aurelianus had been mainly concerned with consolidating his own position, including crushing a serious revolt of mint workers in Rome, protecting Italy from further barbarian incursions, and solving the economic crisis. As well as actually defeating prospective invaders, he included in his defensive measures a rebuilding of his capital city’s walls, which had been dismantled by Augustus three centuries previously. Most of these new fortifications, which were 19 kilometres [12 miles] long, remain extant and still bear his name.

Meanwhile, in order to try to end the hyperinflation, Lucius Domitius Aurelianus introduced a new coinage and revised trading laws. One of the latter resulted from a conversation with his formidable wife, Empress Ulpia Severina.

Lucius Domitius Aurelianus had one day in late 271 CE entered his wife’s bedroom to discover that the Empress was having her hair combed by a very handsome clean-shaven Greek youth aged about sixteen. During much of Rome’s history, all males except the husband would be excluded from this most private of chambers, where the principal lady of the household would only be attended, especially in respect of her daily toilet and grooming, by exclusively female slaves. However, such decorum had lessened of late because of changes in fashion.

Male slaves of a certain type had served in rich Roman households for centuries. They were considered safer for their gender with women and children, and less distracted from their duties by sexual feelings, when compared to others who had not had the relevant alteration done to their anatomy.

Eunuchs, however, had now become especially fashionable and therefore in great demand for a wider range of duties than in the past. The phenomenon had stemmed mainly from the cultural and religious influences imported into Rome from the east as a result of the Empire’s expansion into that region.

The fashion had also arisen despite a law two centuries old, dating from the Emperor Domitian, who had loved a young boy who had been gelded, banning castration in those parts of the Empire in which Roman jurisprudence had precedence. As a consequence of this still current legislation, eunuchs were generally imported.

Fashion and resultant demand had recently aligned with the hyperinflation to make imported eunuchs, especially the young and pretty ones so beloved by women, extremely expensive. Ulpia Severina now took the opportunity to bemoan this fact with her husband on his arrival in her bedroom.

Lucius Domitius Aurelianus did not particularly like the idea of eunuchs. The Emperor was ruthless in politics and war but considered gelding to be barbaric, finding distasteful the idea of any male losing his testicles just to serve women and satisfy fashionable tastes.

Lucius Domitius Aurelianus had known that Ulpia Severina had bought a young eunuch to serve her and opened their conversation on this day by querying whether the youth now combing her hair was the relevant new servant. The formidable Empress, who was probably the only person in the whole of the world to scare her husband, answered with two sarcastic questions of her own.

“Have you seen him before, husband?” Ulpia Severina asked. “No, Madam,” Lucius Domitius Aurelianus replied. “Then, he must be new, mustn’t he?” the Empress responded.

“And do you think, husband,” Ulpia Severina subsequently continued in further sarcastic enquiry, “that I’d allow any male who retained his testes into my bedroom apart from you?” By now, of course, Lucius Domitius Aurelianus knew how his wife, who was clearly amusing herself at his expense, would conclude her answer but he nevertheless played along by again replying “No, Madam”.

“Well, then, husband,” Ulpia Severina added, “I suggest that you should have surmised, without the need for asking, that the youth is indeed my new eunuch!” In response to this conversation about him, the young servant concerned blushed fiercely but nevertheless still managed to continue to comb the Empress’ hair with gentle and quiet proficiency.

Lucius Domitius Aurelianus subsequently thought that Ulpia Severina had finished debating the subject. He was therefore ready to discuss what he had really come to talk about, namely his impending departure from Rome for the east, but his belief was quickly disillusioned because she went on to ask “Do you know what my new eunuch cost me?”

Lucius Domitius Aurelianus immediately realised that he was in trouble from Ulpia Severina’s disgusted tone of voice. He therefore meekly replied, for the third time in succession, “No, Madam”.

In a voice bordering on shouting, the normally frugal Ulpia Severina then announced in clear abhorrence the relevant enormous sum, which even shocked Lucius Domitius Aurelianus. “So, husband,” the Empress followed up by enquiring, “what are you going to do to bring prices of eunuchs down for ladies like me who need their services?”

Lucius Domitius Aurelianus recognised that Ulpia Severina was not usually spendthrift but she did have a fashionable taste for eunuchs, particularly of the handsome and youthful kind. The Empress was served by a small collection of such gelded servants, which she occasionally liked to change when members of her select coterie became too old for her liking.

Money for purchase was not a problem for the Emperor and Empress, even the enormous sums for which young pretty eunuchs were currently being sold. However, Lucius Domitius Aurelianus appreciated that Ulpia Severina disliked wasting money and would expect him to do something effective to bring prices down to more sensible levels for ladies like her. Most importantly for his own quality of life, he also realised that doing so would ease marital relations.

As Lucius Domitius Aurelianus preferred to meet a ferocious Goth in hand-to-hand fighting than argue with Ulpia Severina, he therefore determined to find a solution to the problem. The ideas that he eventually produced actually did indeed prove to be reasonably effective, as well as useful for producing some income for the Imperial treasury. Arrival at the notions had been aided by advice from his superficially able but, unknowingly to him, highly corrupt principal secretary, a Greek freedman named Eros, who had been inherited from the Emperor’s late predecessor.

By later Imperial decree, ownership of eunuchs was restricted to those of patrician Senatorial rank and an import duty was also imposed. The legislation left many fashionable rich women of the Equestrian middle-classes disappointed in their aspirations to be served by at least one pretty boy with no balls.

On the other hand, another consequence was of the Emperor’s decree, and the resultant big reduction in the previously highly lucrative market for imported eunuchs within the Roman Empire, was that, for the time being at least, many pretty boys, who might otherwise have forfeited their balls, were allowed to keep them.

(Rome, shortly afterwards, late 271 CE)

Whilst Lucius Domitius Aurelianus was mainly concerned in the early part of his reign with consolidating his own position, protecting Italy from further barbarian incursions and solving the economic crisis, he had been unable to do much about the emerging Palmyrene Empire. However, having finally safeguarded the west for now, he decided that he could no longer ignore the problem.

Lucius Domitius Aurelianus therefore now set off from Rome in late 271 CE with the intention of re-absorbing the lost Palmyrene territories back into his own Empire. He travelled east overland, collecting various legions on the way, including the formidable Illyrian contingents.

Unfortunately for Queen Zenobia of Palmyra, the new Emperor, who was determined to succeed in his mission and was to be known to posterity as Aurelian, was to prove to be the most capable Roman leader for sixty years, since the reign of Septimius Severus.

(Immae, Syria, about ½ year later, summer 272 CE)

Asia Minor was rapidly retaken by Aurelian’s legions, with only Byzantium and Tyana [respectively modern Istanbul and Ketchhissar, Turkey] displaying any real opposition to the advance, although their resistance actually subsequently proved beneficial to the Emperor’s ambitions. The relative mercy that he unusually displayed in eventually capturing these cities encouraged others to capitulate swiftly.

Consequently, Aurelian’s forces were soon entering Syria, where the Palmyrene army, led by Zenobia and her senior general, Zabdas, awaited them at Immae, which was to the north-east of the great city of Antioch. The early part of the subsequent battle proved unfavourable for the Romans.

The Palmyrene armoured cavalry, or ‘clibanarii’, immediately showed that they were superior to the Roman mounted units. However, Aurelian was an excellent battlefield tactician.

Aurelian ordered his lighter and therefore quicker cavalry to ride away as if in flight and encourage the clibanarii to chase them, which they foolishly did until they became exhausted. The Romans then cleverly turned with their fresher horses and, with the aid of their cavalry, routed the enemy.

Zenobia and Zabdas subsequently successfully fled the disaster to Antioch and then Emesa.

(Emesa [modern Homs], Syria, a few weeks later, summer 272 CE)

Emesa was an ancient inland city on the main trading route from the Mediterranean coast to Palmyra and further east. The place was formerly known as Kadesh and as such had been the scene of a historic battle about 1½ millennia earlier between the Egyptians, led by Ramesses II, and the Hittites. The locale was now to be host to another important conflict.

Emesa was the centre of worship of the Syrian sun god, which was a cult that Aurelian came to admire after visiting the place. The city was ruled, under Roman suzerainty, by hereditary priest-kings, amongst whose number had been the notorious and scandalous young promiscuous bisexual Elagabulus, cousin and brief successor as Emperor to Caracalla earlier in the century.

Aurelian’s forces had quickly followed those of Zenobia and Zabdas to Emesa, outside where the two opposing armies again faced each other across a battlefield, this time on a plain in front of the city. The subsequent fight proved to be a virtual replica of the one at Immae, with the Palmyrene clibanarii again uselessly and foolishly chasing after the Roman cavalry until becoming exhausted and then being easily picked off the enemy.

Zenobia next fled back to Palmyra.

(Palmyra, Syria, another few weeks later, summer 272 CE)

Aurelian’s army soon surrounded Zenobia in her lovely capital of Palmyra. However, her hope that the Romans would be thwarted in their hopes of capturing the walled city by having to lay siege in desert surrounds was now destroyed by the effectiveness of enemy logistics. The relevant supply system ensured the plentiful import of water and provisions for the legionaries, whilst her own oasis began to dry up through over-consumption.

Zenobia therefore attempted to flee furtively from Palmyra with her now 6 year-old son, Vaballathus, on fast one-humped dromedary camels. She had hoped to seek sanctuary in Persia, where the Sassanids would surely now welcome such important new enemies of Rome.

(Banks of the River Euphrates, soon afterwards, summer 272 CE)

Aurelian had astutely anticipated Zenobia’s attempt at flight and had stationed scouts specifically to detect such an occurrence. The Emperor’s planning was to be rewarded but not because his horsemen outpaced the camels, which were dashing across their natural terrain.

Zenobia and her little son and small party of loyal servants and bodyguards were only caught after encountering difficulty in securing transport to ferry them across the mighty River Euphrates. The delay enabled the more numerous and battle-ready Romans to overtake them.

Zenobia, now placing her hopes in securing mercy from Aurelian for her son and herself, ordered her companions to surrender without a fight. On subsequently hearing of the Queen’s capture and desperately void of water, Palmyra also surrendered not long afterwards.

(Palmyra, Syria, soon afterwards, summer 272 CE)

Zenobia and her young son were granted an audience with Aurelian in the large pavilion tent that he occupied in the middle of the Roman army encampment outside Palmyra. The Emperor was immediately enraptured by not only the Queen’s exceptional beauty but also her charming personality.

Consequently, Aurelian was easily persuaded by Zenobia to be merciful to her, her handsome infant son and her lovely oasis city. Accordingly, the lives of the Queen and Vaballathus were spared, and Palmyra was not sacked after surrendering, being instead simply garrisoned with Roman soldiers.

There was one mercy that Aurelian, however, was not prepared to grant to Zenobia and Vaballathus, namely their humiliating participation as important captives in the triumphal procession through the streets of Rome that the Emperor would be entitled to enjoy on his return to the city. The propaganda benefit that he would gain to reinforce his own position on the Imperial throne was simply too good to throw away out of compassion for the Queen and her young son. However, he did allow them the privilege of leaving Palmyra for the Imperial capital in fetters of gold, which was symbolic of prisoners of the most exalted rank.

(Rome, a few months later, autumn 272 CE)

Aurelian did not actually celebrate a triumph on his next return to Rome, as other pressing matters required his presence elsewhere. The Emperor therefore confined Zenobia and Vaballathus for now to the security of house-arrest in the Imperial capital in a large and luxurious residence, well guarded by Praetorians.

Before leaving Rome, the busy Aurelian also did have the courtesy to despatch his secretary, Eros, to ensure that Zenobia was happy with the facilities afforded to her. The corrupt official considered the opportunity to be bribed by the ex-Queen, who had been allowed for now to keep a lot of her personal wealth as well as a retinue of her most loyal and discreet servants, too much to miss.

Eros offered to ensure that Zenobia was granted certain privileges currently denied by Aurelian, such as visiting the arena, hippodrome and theatre, in return for certain financial considerations, which he claimed were to pay others but actually would only find their way into his own already very full pockets. However, the ex-Queen had always detested corrupt officials in her own realm, hating the disloyalty to the rulers that such dishonesty displayed. She therefore turned down the Imperial secretary’s offer, whilst exhibiting clear disdain for the proposal.

Eros was surprised and displeased. Zenobia’s disdainful rejection represent not only a loss of both income and face but also a danger to his own exalted position if the ex-Queen ever appraised Aurelian of his attempt to secure a bribe from her. The Imperial secretary had always cleverly managed to keep his corrupt activities well hidden from his master, whom he appreciated would punish brutally such dishonestly from one of his closest court officials.

Eros knew that he would be safe whilst Aurelian was campaigning away from Rome. However, when the Emperor eventually returned from abroad, where the Imperial secretary often accompanied him, he might be tempted to visit the beautiful and charming Zenobia and thereby discover his official’s perfidy.

Consequently, Eros decided that his best interests would be served by seeing Zenobia executed before she ever again conversed with Aurelian. However, the Imperial secretary also realised that neither outcome would be countenanced by the Emperor until he had paraded the ex-Queen in his eventual triumphal procession around the streets of Rome.

Eros therefore finally concluded that he would bide his time and await the opportunity to eradicate Zenobia as a threat once the triumphal procession had finally taken place.

(Durocatalaunum, Gaul [modern Châlons-en-Champagne, France], 2 years later, autumn 274 CE)

Aurelian was actually not to enjoy his triumphal procession for over two years because of further conflicts. The Emperor had already briefly clashed with the Persians to secure his eastern gains and had taken successful action against another usurper in Egypt. He also had to return to Palmyra because the city had again risen in revolt under a usurper named Firmus. As part of this uprising, the Roman garrison was massacred.

Aurelian was naturally furious at this betrayal of his mercy and quickly marched his legions again in 273 CE to quash the revolt. The Emperor was once more rapidly successful but, on this occasion, he showed Palmyra no pity and the city was sacked, which was an event from which the place never recovered.

Although Aurelian did find time to commission a new temple in Rome to his now favourite deity, ‘Deus Sol Invictus’, or the ‘Unconquered Sun God’, he subsequently gave his attention to recapturing the so-called ‘Gallic Empire’. The ensuing military campaign culminated at Durocatalaunum in Gaul [modern Châlons-en-Champagne, France].

In the third century CE, Durocatalaunum in Gaul, on the right-bank of the River Matrona [modern Marne], was the chief town of the Catalauni. This tribe comprised part of the Belgae people.

The Catalauni occupied what is now the central Plaine de Champagne along the upper valley of the River Matrona. The tribal lands bordered that of the Gallic Tricasses to the south and south-west and the Germanic Lingones to the south-east, but was otherwise surrounded on all other sides by friendly Belgae.

The current Gallic Emperor, Tetricus, had marched his legions south from his own capital at Augusta Treverorum [modern Trier, Germany], on the River Mosella [modern Moselle], to meet those of Aurelian advancing north. The opposing armies eventually met at Durocatalaunum and the ensuing battle proved decisive.

Aurelian emerged victorious. Tetricus was captured alive.

In just over four years, Aurelian had achieved the remarkable feat of reuniting the Roman Empire, whilst regaining virtually all lost territories. He was subsequently awarded the title of ‘Restitutor Orbis’, or ‘Restorer of the World’, by a grateful Senate.

This honorific added to those that Aurelian already possessed, such as ‘Germanicus Maximus’, ‘Gothicus Maximus’ and ‘Pathicus Maximus’, which respectively recognised his successes against the German tribes, Goths and Persians, plus ‘Restitutor Orientis’, rewarding his overall victories in the east. In fact, he collected more titles than any other Roman Emperor.

Aurelian now believed that he had truly earned his overdue triumphal procession through the streets of Rome, celebrating his remarkable achievements.

(Rome, a few months later, late 274 CE)

The quiet house-arrest of Zenobia and Vaballathus in a luxurious residence in Rome, well guarded by Praetorians, was interrupted after over two years’ confinement by their humiliating participation in Aurelian’s triumphal procession. Cleopatra VII of Egypt, from whom the Palmyrene Queen falsely claimed descent, had preferred to let a deadly asp bite her breast to being in the similar victorious return to his capital of Octavian, later Augustus, the first Emperor.

Such processions had already enjoyed a very long history. In the Republican era after defeating a foreign enemy, a victorious general could expect the award of the highest accolades, including a ‘triumph’, and by Aurelian’s time the celebration supposedly dated back the millennium and more to the legendary foundation of Rome and Romulus’ defeat of the Ceninenses.

Romulus, wearing a laurel wreath, led his men in song in a triumphal procession to thank the god, Jupiter, in his temple. Etruscan practices influenced the later ceremony, including the advent of a horse-drawn chariot for the victorious general, or ‘triumphator’, to ride in, his red-painted face and the ritual costumes.

As the Empire subsequently prospered, triumphs increased in splendour until only members of the Imperial family were honoured with the full ceremony. By now, the triumphator, whilst still crowned by a laurel wreath and red-faced, was dressed in the purple ‘toga picta’, which was edged in gold, above a similarly expensively coloured tunic. His feet were shod by gilded sandals, whilst he carried an ivory sceptre, topped by an eagle, emblematic of Jupiter, in one hand and an olive branch, symbolic of the peace that he had secured, in the other.

The triumphal procession now began in the Campus Martius [Field of Mars], symbolically just outside the ancient sacred boundary of Rome, the ‘pomerium’, and entered the city through the cattle market, the ‘Forum Boarium’. The parade subsequently headed through the Circus Maximus hippodrome, round the Palatine Hill and along the Sacred Way before climbing the Capitoline Hill to the Imperial capital’s oldest and most important temple, that of Iupiter Optimus Maximus, or ‘Jupiter Best [and] Greatest’.

The imposing temple of Iupiter Optimus Maximus, which was finally approached by a hundred steep steps leading to massive bronze doors, was spectacularly located on top of a rocky outcrop of the Capitoline Hill. The sacrifices and other concluding ceremonies of a triumph were always held there.

By the time of Aurelian’s triumph, much of the route was lined by statues and other monuments, including other temples. Many of these splendid structures had been built as permanent memorials to those who had enjoyed similar victory celebrations over the previous centuries.

In Aurelian’s particularly splendid triumph, Magistrates and Senators, in their best attire, as customary led the parade. They were followed by horn-blowers, who in turn preceded a long line of bearers carrying precious war booty.

Also displayed amongst the booty on this occasion were plundered chariots. Two, both wrought of silver and gold and bejewelled, had belonged to Odaenathus and Zenobia. Another of similar workmanship had been a peace offering from the King of Persia.

A further chariot had been abandoned by a fleeing King of the Goths. The vehicle was now drawn by four stags, symbolic of the tribe’s northern homelands. The Emperor would have the animals sacrificed at the temple of Iupiter Optimus Maximus, fulfilling a vow that he had made to Rome’s principal god in return for granting him victory in the relevant campaign.

Over two hundred more tamed animals, further emblematic of Aurelian’s victories in various lands, followed. These beasts included twenty elephants and four tigers, plus giraffes and elks. The parsimonious Emperor later presented these creatures to others in order to spare the state the expense of their upkeep.

These animals were followed by priests guiding white oxen, with gilded horns and also scheduled for sacrifice. They were accompanied by children holding golden saucers, or ‘paterae’, to collect the beasts’ blood. Next came the human captives.

Some of the captives had been converted into gladiators, and eight hundred pairs of them paraded in Aurelian’s triumph in their differing costumes. The other prisoners marched in ethnic groups, indicated by a sign carried in front of them by a bearer. Some were unbound and bore gifts. Others walked in chains.

Amongst the Goths were ten women, who had fought the Romans whilst attired in male costumes. The sign before them suggested that they were Amazons.

Tetricus walked in chains, alongside his son, whom he had made co-Emperor of his now lost western domains. Both wore scarlet cloaks and yellow tunics above Gallic breeches.

Last of all in the lengthy parade of captives came the Palmyrene contingent, including Zenobia and the now 8 year-old Vaballathus. Both prisoners were humiliatingly fettered with golden chains, symbolising the significance of not only their personages but also their capture, thereby adding to the glory of the triumphator. The ex-Queen, bedecked with precious jewellery, drew great admiration from the hordes of watching Romans for her still immense dark-featured beauty and the brave dignity in which she endured her shame.

Aurelian came next in his chariot. As customary, a slave standing immediately to the Emperor’s rear ceremonially whispered continuously in his ear, in case he had tendencies to megalomania, “Remember that you are mortal”. Meanwhile, he was surrounded by dancers, or ‘ludiones’, performing in an Etruscan style.

Behind Aurelian came his victorious soldiers. They also wore laurel wreaths and sang songs that lauded their general.

Aurelian’s triumphal re-entry into Rome took many hours and darkness had fallen by the time that he arrived in his palace on the Palatine Hill for a state banquet. The Emperor subsequently did not give any consideration to what he would now do with his most important prisoners, such as Zenobia and Tetricus and their sons, whom he had not again met since their original capture, until he finally wearily retired to his bedchamber for the night.

Aurelian then recalled that, in the early Republic, the leading captives were generally sacrificed at the temple of Iupiter Optimus Maximus with the oxen.

(Imperial palace, Palatine Hill, Rome, next day)

Eros was giving his daily secretarial report to Aurelian. Amongst the issues were urgent decisions that needed to be made, along with the Imperial secretary’s recommendations as to what those determinations should be.

The issue of what now to do with Zenobia and Tetricus and their sons was on the day’s agenda. Eros recommended their execution, ostensibly because of the supposed political threat to Aurelian’s position that he inaccurately suggested they still posed. The Imperial secretary, of course, did not disclose his real more personal reasons.

Eros desired the elimination of Zenobia because she represented a personal threat. He also wanted to secure for the Imperial treasury the remaining still substantial wealth of both the ex-Queen and Tetricus, a large proportion of which he would, of course, secretly divert into his own pockets.

To Eros’ consternation, Aurelian declined his execution proposal, stating that both Zenobia and Tetricus had displayed bravery when fighting him and had not attempted to betray him since their surrender. Consequently, the Emperor suggested that their lives should, as custom dictated, be spared.

Eros dared not argue with Aurelian. The Emperor had clearly already made his mind up about the issue and attempting to dissuade him might not only be counterproductive but also could endanger the Imperial secretary’s own standing. The current ruler of the Roman world disliked being told that he was wrong, especially by a mere bureaucratic freedman, who had once been a Greek slave.

Eros therefore recommended speedy exile as an alternative course of action. The Imperial secretary was subsequently mightily relieved, as far as his fear of what Zenobia could tell Aurelian was concerned, when the Emperor accepted this proposal without displaying any intent to meet the prisoners before they left Rome.

(Villa Hadriana, Tibur, Latium, Italia [modern Tivoli, Italy], a few days later)

For such important and still potentially troublesome prisoners as Zenobia and Tetricus and their sons, exile beyond easy reach of Rome was unthinkable. The prospect of them attempting escape to rekindle dynastic ambitions in their original short-lived Empires from more distant locations was simply too real to allow them to leave Italy.

Tetricus and his son were sent to southern Italy. The former Gallic Emperor subsequently became so settled there, whilst maintaining staunch loyalty to Rome, that he was eventually appointed ‘Corrector’, or civilian governor, of the province of ‘Lucaniae et Bruttiorum’.

Meanwhile, Zenobia and Vaballathus were exiled to the huge gardened palatial ‘Villa Hadriana’ at Tibur in the Sabine Hills of Latium [modern Tivoli, Italy]. This resort town occupied a very picturesque elevated location overlooking the River Aniene, a tributary of the Tiber, and was a favourite spot for the wealthy Roman elite to spend their summers.

Immediately after his accession, the Emperor Hadrian had started the building, near Tibur, of the massive villa complex, which was to become known as the ‘Villa Hadriana’ and was the biggest and most resplendent in the whole Empire. For the construction, he selected a hillside site, previously occupied mainly by olive trees but possessing magnificent views of the adjacent valley and Rome, which was just visible in the far distance [see ‘Death on the Nile’ by the same author for a fuller description].

One of the Tibur’s attractions was easy accessibility to Rome because of the intervening excellent cobbled roads and the fact that the local rivers were navigable all the way to the port of Ostia on the coast via the Imperial capital. For the same reason, Eros was unhappy for the Villa Hadriana to be chosen as the place of comfortable exile for Zenobia, as the worrying prospect of the ex-Queen again sometime meeting Aurelian remained because of the mutual proximity of their respective palatial residences.

On the part of Zenobia, she was happy to be exiled to such a beautiful and luxurious setting as the Villa Hadriana, given what the alternatives might have been. Knowing what the dreadful price for failure in attempting to betray Aurelian’s clemency would be, she was also genuinely no longer ambitious to rule an Empire but instead just wanted to be left to rear her lovely son in peace.

(Imperial palace, Palatine Hill, Rome, several weeks later, 23rd December 274 CE)

Eros had calculated that Zenobia’s exile to Tibur was insufficient to secure his own safety. The Imperial secretary therefore decided to attempt to blacken her reputation with Aurelian in order to try eventually to persuade the Emperor to have her killed. However, he also realised that he could not do so too outrageously because what he suggested might be checked and his perfidy might thereby rebound by being revealed.

Eros considered the problem for a while and eventually worked out an appropriate strategy to blacken Zenobia’s reputation with Aurelian without creating too much danger for himself. He decided to lie that the ex-Queen not only had somehow been implicated in the revolt in Palmyra of the year before but also now plotted to escape her exile in order to regain her eastern Empire.

To help disguise the falseness of his lies, Eros advised Aurelian that his reports were only based on rumours from unknown sources. However, he also strongly suggested that, even if incorrect, such tales should not be ignored and that instead, for the security of Rome and the Emperor, the state should play safe by having Zenobia quietly eliminated.

Eros’ arguments on the issue, submitted to Aurelian over the immediate weeks leading up to the official dedication of the Emperor’s newly completed temple to Sol Invictus, gradually proved partly persuasive. However, the final outcome was not to the Imperial secretary’s expectation or hopes, probably because his master still possessed affection for Zenobia.

“The real danger,” Aurelian had eventually concluded, two days before the opening of his new temple to Sol Invictus and in the face of Eros’ arguments, “is not Zenobia, as a woman would rightly never be allowed to rule on her own such a paternalistic society as Palmyra. This is why her previous power was entirely reliant on her status as regent for her son, Vaballathus.”

“Vaballathus is the real danger,” Aurelian continued, “especially as he grows older. If we were to eliminate him, the threat imposed by Zenobia disappears.”

Aurelian, displaying his usual ruthlessness in the face of possible treacherous plotting, subsequently issued an order for the elimination of 8 year-old Vaballathus, whilst Zenobia was to remain unharmed but subject to increased guard. The Emperor then settled down to discussing the preparations for the imminent ceremonial dedication of his new temple to Sol Invictus.

(Villa Hadriana, Tibur, Latium, Italia [modern Tivoli, Italy], next day, 24th December 274 CE)

The Praetorian officer delivered Aurelian’s appalling verbal message to Zenobia personally in an audience just involving the pair of them. “Madam,” he began, “the Emperor has become aware of treacherous plotting to restore your son to the throne of Palmyra, which cannot be allowed to happen.”

“The Emperor,” the Praetorian officer continued, “has therefore decided that the security of Rome takes precedence over your son’s life and has commanded that he is immediately killed. However, in his mercy, he has also given permission for him to die at your own hands rather than with use of my sword, as you may prefer to do the deed in a gentler way that would not despoil his body, such as by poison or suffocation.”

Zenobia was naturally horrified at the message that the Praetorian officer had been commanded to deliver, which was similar to many that had been issued over previous centuries. Emperors had frequently offered enemies the opportunity to commit suicide rather than be executed and their proposals were usually accepted.

The offer conveyed to Zenobia was, of course, slightly different. As an 8 year-old boy could not realistically be offered the option of suicide, the proposal essentially involved the offer of euthanasia by fatal potion delivered, or smothering conducted, by his mother, as opposed to the likes of brutal decapitation by the Praetorian.

Zenobia’s natural horror amazingly did not cause her to panic or become hysterical. She instead, as befitted a worthy Queen, somehow kept her emotions in check and conversed with the Praetorian officer in a remarkably restrained and logical manner.

Zenobia initially honestly argued that her son and herself were completely untainted by any plotting. However, the Praetorian officer replied that he had been commanded to carry out his orders regardless of any protestations of innocence.

Zenobia’s next tactic was to question the correctness of the orders themselves. However, the Praetorian officer had responded that he was sure that there had been no mistake.

The Praetorian officer subsequently also refused Zenobia’s plea for him to return to Rome to query his orders or allow her to go to there to beg Aurelian for her beloved son’s life. The ex-Queen finally then realised in acute despair that her efforts to save Vaballathus were going to be unsuccessful.

Zenobia, finally showing some emotion through a now slightly quivering voice and damp eyes, therefore accepted the inevitable, namely that her lovely son would apparently have to be suffer in the interests of Rome and the Emperor. After subsequently using all of her unparalleled charms to negotiate the means with the Praetorian Prefect and conveying to him her agreement to Aurelian’s considerate offer to perform the necessary appalling act herself, she left the room with immense reluctance to perpetrate the dreadful deed.

(Temple of Deus Sol Invictus, Rome, next day, 25th December 274 CE)

Aurelian had favoured the worship of the sun god ever since he had visited the temple of the Syrian version of the solar deity in Emesa. The Emperor believed that, after he had donated votive offerings to the altar there, the divinity had subsequently honoured him by aiding his victory in the Palmyrene war. He also liked the simplicity of an essentially monotheistic religion.

In so doing, Aurelian was emulating Pharaoh Akhenaten, who had 1½ millennia previously introduced the short-lived cult of the universal god, Aten, symbolically represented by the sun disc, into Egypt to much opposition from the more traditional deities of the local pantheon, such as Amun. The Emperor was also following the monotheism of contemporary religions such as Zoroastrianism, Judaism and nascent Christianity.

The version of solar religion chosen by Aurelian for worship in Rome was that of ‘Deus Sol Invictus’, or the ‘Unconquered Sun God’, which was also popular within the army as a result of the recent frequent visits to the east by many legions. The Emperor hoped that the new monotheistic cult would in time replace the numerous deities of the Roman and other pantheons in public esteem, and thereby help to unite the Empire.

Aurelian had commissioned his colossal new temple to Sol Invictus to be constructed in an unusual style for Rome. The design of the sacred building, which was circular with a rectangular enclosure, was actually based on Syrian architectural practices.

The new temple was constructed on a site to the east of the Campus Martius, near the Via Flaminia. The building, fitted out with much appropriate plunder from similar sacred sanctuaries in Palmyra and paid for from other booty from that city, was to become known for ostentatious ceremonies, quadrennial games and an overly large priesthood.

The official dedication and opening of the temple took place on what the Romans regarded as the winter solstice and therefore the supposed day of rebirth of the Sun God, or the ‘dies natalis Solis Invicti’. The date was dies Veneris ante diem VIII Kalendis Ianuariis MXXVIII anno urbis conditae, or the day of Venus, 8 days before the Kalends of January in the 1,028th year since the foundation of the city [of Rome].

In modern terms, the date in the Julian calendar was Friday, the 25th of December 274 CE.

(Imperial palace, Palatine Hill, Rome, evening of the same day)

Aurelian had returned to his palace after presiding over the dedication of his new colossal temple to Sol Invictus. The Emperor’s head was still wearing the god’s radiated crown, wearing which he would be depicted on his new coinage, when he granted a certain Praetorian offer an audience.

Without saying anything, the Praetorian officer, after affording Aurelian the customary reverential military salute, gave the Emperor a little offering, namely a small casket of the finest polished wood, along with a scroll. The box was obviously valuable because it also possessed a silver handle and catch.

Aurelian had requested evidence of young Vaballathus’ demise and presumed that the casket contained such proof. However, as the box was too small to contain the boy’s head, the Emperor judged that there was probably instead a heart inside.

Still without a word passing between Aurelian and his Praetorian officer and for now ignoring the scroll, the Emperor opened the casket without hesitation. He has seen many gory sights over the years and he had no compunction about viewing a young boy’s recently extracted heart. However, such a scene was not present inside the box.

Aurelian recognised the contents immediately because he had not only been witness to many atrocities over the years but also had actually helped to perpetrate some of them. The Emperor had therefore seen such tiny organs previously.

Aurelian, somehow maintaining an inscrutable expression despite his surprise, subsequently set the casket aside and began to unroll the scrolled message. As he did so, he frowned at his Praetorian officer, who was mightily relieved that the Emperor’s reaction to the contents of the box so far remained calm.

Aurelian then averted his eyes from his Praetorian Prefect to the writing on the scroll, which was in the multilingual Zenobia’s own best Latin script. A smile next gradually appeared on the Emperor’s face as he read the words.

Zenobia had written “I hope, great Augustus, that you will accept these organs of Vaballathus in lieu of his life. I am sure that you will agree that their loss will permanently disqualify him from ever again being a king and so a threat to Rome and you, mighty Emperor. However, if you disagree, return to me your Praetorian officer, whom I commend for his brave compassion and beg you to forgive for not carrying out your orders to the full, and I shall then kill my son and myself.”

After reading the ex-Queen’s short message, the now grinning Aurelian looked up at his Praetorian officer. “So,” the Emperor suggested correctly, “you too were successfully wooed by Zenobia’s charms to be dissuaded you from your original intent.”

Aurelian went on to cause the brave but currently frightened Praetorian officer to relax by confessing “Don’t worry because the same happened to me once. I had every intention of having Zenobia and her son executed after their capture. However, I then made the mistake of granting her an audience before I had the deed done. Only immense self-restraint subsequently prevented me capitulating totally in reaction to her undoubted charms and restoring her to her throne. Ever since, I’ve carefully avoided meeting her again because I feared what she might persuade me to do against my better judgement.”

“As I possess a similar fallibility in respect of Zenobia’s charms,” Aurelian continued, “I shall therefore do as she begs and forgive you for not carrying out your orders to the full, as doing otherwise would be dishonourably hypocritical. I shall also not return you to Tibur to fulfil the original mission.”

“After all, Zenobia is correct,” Aurelian added, “as the presence in this casket of her young son’s testicles does completely disqualify him from future aspirations to regain his crown!”

(Caenophrurium, Thrace [modern Çorlu, Turkey], ¾ year later, September 275 CE)

After suppressing another revolt in Gaul and defeating more barbarian marauders in Gaul, Aurelian had again set off with his legions for the east. The new Sassanid king, Hormizd I, had died soon after his predecessor, the dangerous Shapur I. The possible rise to power of a weakened ruler in Persia, in the form of Bahram I, had tempted the Emperor to try to secure more territorial gains in the region.

Aurelian had now reached Caenophrurium in Thrace [modern Çorlu in European Turkey], where he was waiting to cross with his legions into Asia Minor. Whilst the Emperor was doing so, Eros, as usual, read most of his master’s correspondence in order to prioritise, abbreviate or disregard the documents for presentation.

One scroll that crossed Eros’ busy desk was from Zenobia, which represented the first time, to the Imperial secretary’s knowledge, that she had attempted to communicate with Aurelian since sending her unusual offering on the previous 25th of December. He presumed that the Emperor’s return to the east had probably stimulated the ex-Queen into indulging in such correspondence.

Eros had not attempted any more perfidy in respect of Zenobia since the previous December. He had become satisfied that, after what had happened to her son, the ex-Queen wanted to maintain a very low profile and so would not attempt any further communication with Aurelian. Meanwhile, the Emperor was too busy campaigning to give her much thought, let alone establish some form of contact.

Eros’ presumption about the reason for Zenobia now breaking her silence was correct, as he discovered after reading the scroll. The long message expressed hopes, amongst various deferential salutations, including thanking Aurelian again for sparing her son’s life, and gossipy tidings and comments, that the Romans would find her former subjects to be worthy allies and so treat them accordingly. The ex-Queen went on to affirm that genuinely neither she nor her son now possessed political ambitions but hoped that the Emperor would understand her natural concern for the welfare of her people.

What concerned Eros most about the long message were the gossipy comments. These remarks included Zenobia’s impressions of life in exile, expressed in a charming and gregarious manner that matched her character.

Fatefully, amongst these remarks, Zenobia referred to Eros’ attempt to secure a bribe from her after her initial arrival in Rome. The reference did not actually criticise the Imperial secretary but instead formed part of a wider commentary about the differences between life in the Roman capital and Tibur on one hand and Palmyra on the other.

Having now experienced local life for three years and encountered many examples apart from Eros, Zenobia had assumed that corruption amongst Roman officials, even those at court, was rife and she was correct. However, she had also naïvely presumed that Aurelian accepted the situation, which he certainly did not, especially in respect of his closest advisers.

Eros was far from being similarly naïve. He recognised that he dare not allow Aurelian to read Zenobia’s comments about him, as her words would surely create a vacancy for a new Imperial secretary after the execution, by horrible means, of the previous incumbent of the post.

Eros naturally burnt the scroll from Zenobia. However, the Imperial secretary also perceptively realised that, despite his best efforts to prevent such disaster, the ex-Queen might for two reasons to seek to maintain chatty correspondence with Aurelian, from whom she would expect replies.

First, Zenobia’s interest in Aurelian’s eastern campaign would encourage her to maintain contact. Second, the ex-Queen might, by succeeding in doing so, then attempt to persuade the Emperor to relax the terms of her house-arrest, which might even result in an eventual meeting between the pair that could be fatal for Eros.

Eros, who was not constantly at Aurelian’s side, also could not expect to eradicate all correspondence between Zenobia and the Emperor indefinitely. The Imperial secretary therefore worried that his corrupt practices might sometime soon be revealed to his master by the ex-Queen.

The fact that Eros judged, from her now burnt correspondence, that Zenobia would innocently make the revelation without malice, and unwittingly in respect of the fatal consequences for the Imperial secretary, was inconsequential to him. He simply had to take serious measures to avert such a disaster but the ex-Queen was currently out of his reach, safe in faraway Tibur, guarded by a cohort of Praetorians, including a certain officer who had brought the offering of young Vaballathus’ extracted testes to Aurelian.

Eros’ eventual solution to his dilemma was drastic and dangerous but proved effective. He could not currently eliminate Zenobia but he could attempt to arrange the eradication of the person with whom she was trying to communicate in favour of the appointment of a successor who would not be bothered by the fact that the Imperial secretary was corrupt.

In his tent in the army encampment at Caenophrurium, Eros consequently ingeniously forged a list of high-ranking military officers and civilian officials that Aurelian supposedly suspected of treason and had therefore earmarked for execution. He subsequently showed the document to the secretary, or ‘notarius’, of the senior Praetorians who formed the Emperor’s personal bodyguard, Mucapor.

As his own name and those of the senior Praetorians were on the forged list, the extremely alarmed Mucapor rather naturally furtively spread news of Aurelian’s alleged plans to the supposedly secretly condemned men. Eros’ evil intriguing subsequently resulted in the denouement that he had desired.

Aurelian was assassinated by his own Praetorian bodyguards in his army’s encampment at Caenophrurium.

(Villa Hadriana, Tibur, Latium, Italia [modern Tivoli, Italy], later same day)

Because the autumn evening was warm, Zenobia and her now 9 year-old son were dining outdoors at dusk in a location from where they could see the glittering lights of Rome in the distance. Amongst their very loyal and discreet attendant servants was a slaveboy called Helius, who was of similar age to Vaballathus and had coincidentally been named after the Greek version of the sun god.

After noticing the slaveboy, the highly intelligent and fast maturing Vaballathus asked a question of Zenobia, who would soon be entertaining a certain compliant Praetorian officer in her bed. The boy preceded his enquiry by requesting “Mother, you never told me before but I’d be obliged if you would do so now.”

Vaballathus subsequently asked of the cunning Zenobia “Why did you have Helius castrated last December?”

THE END

of

‘CHRISTMAS OFFERING FOR THE EMPEROR’

by Pueros,

who again wishes all readers a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year!

(If sufficient readers express interest, this story will spawn a sequel relating the later lives of Zenobia and Vaballathus)