Tamerlane's Boys 28


By: pueros

Post Feedback | Printer Friendly Format | Send Private Message

[GAY] [WARNING] [TESTICLES] [NULLIFICATION] [MINOR]

This chapter visits some of the major capitals of the Medieval world.




Newest Files




TAMERLANE’S BOYS

By Pueros

Chapter 28 – Capitals

(Samarkand, Transoxonia, Summer, 1394)

Shadi Mulk Aka, Tamerlane’s Eldest Queen, or ‘Bibi Khanum’, had poisoned her husband’s boys 2½ years previously, as a lesson to the dreaded conqueror that she was not to be neglected when he was in his capital of Samarkand. Happily for the young males concerned, the formidable woman had later arranged for Vissarion, Arman and Nicolai to receive the antidote in order to terminate their agony, and slow progression towards excruciating death, in return for concessions from her alarmed spouse.

Given such a challenging main wife, it is perhaps understandable that Tamerlane preferred life on campaign rather than in his capital, which nevertheless was being seriously aggrandised, with the help of some of the best contemporary artisans, captured during his conquests. Shadi Mulk Aka was also supposedly involved in the building projects, having been given responsibility by her husband for overseeing the construction of what was planned to be the world’s biggest mosque. However, the Queen was less than enthusiastic about the work, despite her devotion to Islam. The Bibi Khanum rather naturally resented the fact that her spouse had vengefully and provocatively declared his intention to dedicate the sacred place to the salvation from death at her jealous hands of Vissarion, Arman and Nicolai, two of who were Christians.

As a result of Shadi Mulk Aka’s understandable grievance, work on the construction of the great mosque was exceedingly slow. 2½ years after the commissioning of the building, little more than the foundations had been laid, with the Queen providing her husband with a variety of false reasons for the lack of progress. Not wanting to have any further arguments with his redoubtable wife, Tamerlane ruefully accepted the situation.

In fact, only after Tamerlane withdrew his proposal to dedicate the mosque to three of his catamites and substituted the notion of constructing the building in honour of his main wife did the project gain momentum. Such a decision was still 4 years in the future, by which time the conqueror had decided that there were more appropriate resplendent monuments to rejoice the time that his lovely boys had spent with him in this world.

The time lag, however, proved unfortunate because Shadi Mulk Aka’s resentment about the role of the catamites in her husband’s life not only consequently continued to fester but also began to seep round the conqueror’s extended family. Dangerously for Tamerlane’s boys, such animosity towards them began to be shared amongst their master’s sons and grandsons, products of his many diplomatic marriages.

Despite his sexual preference for young males, the conqueror’s libido and spermatic potency were such that he had never failed in respect of his conjugal duties towards his wives, whenever he bothered to see them, and the continuance of his male line. However, such virile productivity was soon to prove greatly troublesome for Tamerlane and his boys.

(Forests of southern Rus, Summer, same time)

Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo was initially very sceptical about Nicolai’s announcement that the 13 year-old was one of Tamerlane’s famous boys. Scandalous news of the perversely sinful existence of these young catamites in the life of the dreaded conqueror had spread to both distant Muscovy, where the man had just visited, and even more faraway Castile, where he served the local King, Henry III, in his capital of Toledo. However, he wondered how one of these infamous children could possibly find himself alone, apart from an even younger companion, and seriously wounded amidst the vast and dangerous forests of southern Rus.

The last anyone had heard of the notorious conqueror, he had been subduing uprisings in Persia to consolidate his hold on the troublesome country. The apparently terribly cruel scourge, of both Christians and Muslims alike in the lands he attacked, was therefore thankfully far, far away from the current location of the Spanish diplomat and the boy who claimed to be one of Tamerlane’s.

Surely, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo conjectured, any recent move by Tamerlane north into Rus would be well known by the local people, and therefore by the Spanish diplomat. The populations of the various principalities feared the conqueror even more than they did the Golden Horde. At least the latter, if paid their tribute, guaranteed peace and the conduct of lucrative trade, whereas the former had an appalling reputation for devastating those countries that he invaded.

In fact, local current perception of Tamerlane’s attitude to his conquests was outdated. In his early years, when he had been more robber baron than ruler of an empire, the dreaded conqueror had tended to concentrate on looting and pillaging, with his men also enjoying much raping. However, as the territories he controlled expanded substantially and his own maturity in his new role grew, he exhibited increasing discernment in respect of such treatment, allowing brutality only to take place in respect of resistant or rebellious communities. He had adjusted his policy for two main reasons.

First, Tamerlane’s forces, which were relatively small in global terms, were incapable of effectively garrisoning all captured lands and also embarking on further conquests. He therefore needed the acquiescent acceptance of the conquered to his suzerainty. He now secured such concord by gentle treatment, if the target communities surrendered meekly to his will, plus the reward of keeping the local administrations of deposed potentates largely in place. However, he maintained his fearsome reputation by contrasting such generosity with the terrible examples presented by the butchery inflicted on recalcitrant peoples.

Second, Tamerlane’s developing power and maturity caused him to want to covert himself into, and be seen by posterity as, a great warrior and leader, and builder of a lasting, prosperous empire. He wished to be someone who would emulate, if not surpass, the previous achievements in his part of the world of Alexander the Great and Genghis Khan. To do so, the conqueror increasingly appreciated that he could not continue to act as a glorified robber but instead had to demonstrate the virtues of a gloriously resolute but fair despot, who presided over stable affluence by crushing opposition and ruling proficiently, especially in respect of protecting trade. He therefore had to be, and be seen to be, someone who presided over an efficient bureaucracy and was morally ethical in respect of his increasing numbers of subjects, whilst also exceedingly hard with enemies, both within and outside his domains.

There was, of course, someone in Tamerlane’s life who had, over recent years, accelerated his master’s revised attitude. He was now the conqueror’s wisest counsellor and also by far the youngest and most beautiful, for his name was Vissarion.

Unfortunately for the peoples of Rus, they had only known Tamerlane at his worst. When the conqueror had wreaked havoc in their lands 3 years previously, he had caused much distressing devastation, and not just in respect of the Golden Horde, against whom he was vengefully campaigning in retaliation for Mongol incursions into Georgia and the kidnapping of Vissarion and Arman.

The campaign had eventually effectively been won by Tamerlane a month after the escape from Mongol captivity by Vissarion and Arman, and the advent into his life of the boys’ rescuer, Nicolai. After perpetrating much local vengeance against the Golden Horde, the conqueror, with an army of 100,000, had subsequently rapidly advanced to meet Toqtamish’s reduced forces near Samara [modern Kuibyshev] on the River Volga.

The battle had developed into a rout of the Golden Horde’s army, although the leader had escaped with some remnants. This good fortune subsequently allowed the devastated Mongols to re-group as best they could and seek revenge, leading directly to Toqtamish’s cunning but ultimately unsuccessful plot to use Nicolai to entrap Tamerlane in the southern Caucasus 2 years later.

Tamerlane’s withdrawal from Rus after his great victory had caused great jubilation within the local principalities, who had all feared that the dreaded conqueror might now turn more of his awful attention onto them. Rejoicing was particularly joyous in Muscovy, where, in the capital, Moscow, the people somehow contrived to confer responsibility for the apparent miracle on an icon of the Virgin Mary.

In fact, responsibility would have been more righteously applied to the copious plunder that Tamerlane and his army had accumulated and with which they felt compelled to return to their homelands, having accomplished the aim of punishing the Golden Horde. Of course, amongst the conqueror’s personal booty from his campaign in Rus was the beautiful young Muscovite, Nicolai.

Nicolai somehow managed to perceive Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo’s uncertainty about the announcement regarding the young Muscovite’s supposed status. He therefore proceeded to advise the bearded Spaniard, whom he instinctively trusted, not least after the man had nursed him back to improving health, about the reasons for his current, rather unusual circumstances. In the process, the 13 year-old converted the Castilian emissary to full acceptance of him as one of Tamerlane’s boys.

Many of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo’s so-called civilised, Christian countrymen would have at least frowned at meeting a catamite, especially one pertaining to the allegedly most bloodthirsty pagan barbarian in the world. However, this particular Spaniard responded to his acceptance of Nicolai’s true status with a smile.

Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo had always been interested in different countries and cultures. Such regard had caused him readily and regularly to volunteer to venture abroad on missions for his royal Castilian master, including the latest expedition to Muscovy.

Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo had undertaken the long and potentially dangerous ambassadorial mission to Moscow, in a world full of unknowns and perils and accompanied only by a few loyal and hardy servants, ostensibly to facilitate commerce. The establishment of better supplies of, and trade routes for, valuable furs from Rus and Siberia, which had become very fashionable in Spain, had been his latest prime diplomatic objectives. However, the emissary’s real personal motivation had been his appetite for knowledge, travel and adventure.

Consequently, of all the Spaniards that Nicolai could possibly incongruously and almost unbelievably meet in the middle of the dense, dark, dangerous forests of Rus, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo was undoubtedly the best. The Castilian’s interest in other countries and cultures came with a very open-minded and liberal attitude to local customs and practices, including some that were abhorred by many fellow contemporary Christians, at a time when the Inquisition was beginning to gather pace, especially in his homeland.

Although heterosexual, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo was therefore not in any way disgusted by nursing back to a semblance of health a young catamite, even one pertaining to the notorious Tamerlane. Instead, the emissary’s inherent curiosity about the feared conqueror and his people caused the Spaniard to regard his salvation of the very pretty boy’s life as a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to further his insatiable quest for knowledge about the world and its societies.

(Delhi, India, same time)

Mahmud Tughluq, in his capital of Delhi, had just endured another awkward audience with Tamerlane’s ambassador. Although the wording on both sides of the verbal exchange had never strayed from being diplomatic, the mutual underlying antipathy and anger of both men towards each other was barely disguised.

Nevertheless, Prince Ahmed, who had been present with his ever faithful, similarly aged, supposed eunuch, Krishnan, afterwards regarded his father with extreme pride. The 7 year-old believed correctly that Tamerlane’s ambassador had departed the scene suitably chastened, having experienced clear defeat and humiliation in the recent argument about the treatment of the local Hindus, Sikhs and members of other indigenous religious creeds.

Naturally, Ahmed was not to know at the time that the verbal exchange would be reported in a totally different light to Tamerlane by the fanatical and vengeful ambassador. The boy also did not appreciate that the libel would be one more significant milestone on the road to disaster for his family and people.

Nor did Ahmed realise that his salvation, at least for now, of Krishnan’s balls would one day be personally highly significant to the prince, amidst all of the bloody mayhem to come.

(Edirne, Ottoman Empire, same time)

"Will you kill your brothers and their sons when you succeed your father, the ‘Thuderbolt’?" Vladimir asked nonchalantly of Mehmed, whilst referring to Bayezid I’s nickname [‘Yildirim’ in Turkish], which had been gained by successfully accomplishing military campaigns with great bravery and speed. The pair of 5 year-olds was currently playing happily with toy soldiers in the prince’s resplendent but secluded quarters in the Sultan’s large palace, located in the current Ottoman capital of Edirne [ancient Adrianople], in the southeast Balkans.

Constantinople was still over half a century away from being taken by the Ottomans from the Byzantine Emperors. The Slav eunuch, Vladimir, was actually to feature prominently in the defeat of his fellow Christians and the capture of that great city, whilst ensuring, for his Muslim masters, Turkish hegemony over southeast Europe and southwest Asia.

As well as Bayezid I’s nickname, Vladimir’s question also referred to the not infrequent practice indulged by successors to the Sultanate of massacring their brothers and their siblings’ male offspring. It was customary for Ottoman rulers to have several wives and many, sometimes thousands of, concubines, and not just to satisfy their sexual needs, as possessing so many women was supposed to guarantee healthy masculine heirs.

It was considered no impediment to inheritance for the eventual successful nominee for the Sultanate, who was not always the oldest but was rather chosen by his father as being the most able, to be the product of a liaison with a concubine, as opposed to spouse. As a result of such traditions, much conspiratorial manoeuvring invariably took place over the years between those women of the household and harem who possessed sons by their sole permitted lover. The main aim in life of such mothers was to secure the succession for their male offspring, not least because the alternative might be their child’s ultimate demise. The constant plotting was certainly aided by the luxurious but closeted environment in which they lived, hidden away from the rest of the world and well guarded by formidable black eunuchs.

Many of the brothers of the winner of this familial contest were naturally, given the palace circumstances, not of the same mother but, even if they had been, this would not have saved them and their sons from execution if the successful successor to the Principate so chose. Such bloody culling was designed to ensure that no internecine family strife was caused by ambitious siblings and their offspring.

Mehmed was only 5 years old but had already been declared ‘first son’ and heir to Bayezid I, despite the fact that the boy actually had three older brothers, namely Suleyman, Isa and Musa. However, their father had nominated his youngest male child as his successor for two reasons.

First, Bayezid I apparently disliked some of the developing characteristics of the older sons. Second, and probably most importantly for the incumbent Sultan, choosing an infant as his nominated heir hopefully meant that the youngster concerned was, at least for a while, not tempted, perhaps in alliance with important officials and generals who were in someway dissatisfied with their lots, towards facilitating the succession sooner rather than later. Patricidal ambitions of impatient offspring of important rulers were by no means unknown in the contemporary world.

Bayezid I had apparently carefully weighed up the dangers for him and his fourth son of spurning and therefore annoying the older boys against the perils the young trio could pose, to him and his empire, if one had been declared his heir. The Sultan’s nomination had been made despite Mehmed’s tender age and the impracticality of the arrangement if the current incumbent of the Ottoman throne died early. The latter scenario was not inconceivable in this unhealthy era, when bubonic plague, other nasty pestilences and warfare were common.

Bayezid I was currently 34 years old, having been born in Edirne to his mother, the Sultana Gulcicek Hatun. He had succeeded his father, Murad I Hudavendigar [the ‘God-like One’], half a decade previously on the battlefield of the ‘Field of Blackbirds’, or ‘Kosovo Polje’.

The Muslim Murad and his Ottoman forces had won the battle against the Christian Serbs and their King, Lazar, and allies, the Bulgars. The conflict had been one of the most significant and bloodthirsty in history, culminating with the beheading on the battlefield, in front of the victorious Sultan, of the captured Serbian monarch.

Murad, however, did not long outlive his opponent. Whilst some fighting still raged, the Sultan was assassinated in his tent by a poisoned knife held by a Serb knight, Miloš Obilic, who was supposedly treacherously offering changed allegiance. Nevertheless, the ultimate outcome of the battle led to the absorption of the bulk of the Balkans into the Ottoman Empire, subjugation that would last for half a millennium.

Murad had been substantially responsible for changing his Osmanli tribe into imperial overlords, amidst the further expansion of his realm into Europe from Anatolia. Although Constantinople had resisted efforts at conquest, the Sultan had nevertheless forced the Byzantine Emperor, who was now ruling over little more than his ancient city, to pay tribute.

Meanwhile, Murad established his own capital on the European mainland at Adrianople [named after the Roman Emperor Hadrian], which he renamed Edirne. He also created important civil and military institutions, which were to last as long as his empire. Amongst the latter were the Janissaries, the renowned corps of bodyguards.

The Janissaries comprised Christians, primarily Slavs and Greeks, forcibly enlisted into training whilst boys between the ages of 7 and 14. The enlistment mechanism was the ‘devshirmeth’, which was basically the human taxation of subjugated peoples.

The young boy recruits were subsequently subjected to a lengthy and very harsh training regime, conducted under strict discipline in almost monastic conditions in ‘acemi oglan’ schools. For all practical purposes, the formidable Janissaries belonged to the Sultan. They were taught to consider the corps as their home and family, with the Ottoman ruler their de facto father. They were also expected to remain celibate for life and were encouraged to convert to Islam, which most did. Only those who proved strong enough eventually earned the rank, at the age of about 25, of a true Janissary, who, unlike a free Muslim, was expressly forbidden to wear a beard, only being permitted a moustache.

Despite the unsettling circumstances of the boys’ initial recruitment and subsequent harsh training, the severe induction regime worked exceptionally well in respect of producing fearsome soldiers. The Janissaries became renowned for their formidable military capabilities in the Sultan’s service.

In return for their loyalty and their fervour, Janissaries gained privileges and benefits. Although they always lived as single men in barracks, they came to enjoy respected social status and high living standards, helped by good pay and exemption from taxes.

As Mehmed conversed with his intimate slave and best friend, Vladimir, the young prince answered, in response to his fellow 5 year-old’s question in respect of his male siblings’ destinies, "No. I’d let them live. I don’t like the idea of ordering the murders of my own brothers!"

"But," Vladimir next asked, "how would you ensure that they didn’t kill you?" "Because," Mehmed announced confidently and with remarkable maturity for someone of his tender age, "I’d have the best general the Janissaries have ever known to protect me!"

"Who would that be?" Vladimir naturally enquired.

"You, of course!" Mehmed declared, whilst displaying a sweet smile on his very pretty 5 year-old face.

(Baghdad, Mesopotamia, same time)

Whilst Vissarion and Arman had been busying themselves in their respective homelands during the previous year, plus rescuing Nicolai and Yaroslav from the literal clutches of Toqtamish, Tamerlane had attacked Mesopotamia from Persia. There, the dreaded conqueror had lived up to his name, as he sought to enlarge his empire still further.

After relatively short sieges, followed by some bloody plundering in revenge for the failure of the cities to surrender meekly, Tamerlane had captured Baghdad and Kikrit. The Sultan of the former, Ahmad Jalayir, had been forced to flee his capital and seek refuge with the Mamluks, whose own empire, based in Egypt, encompassed Syria.

Tamerlane was again visiting Baghdad, with his troupe of protective cavalry currently escorting him along a wide thoroughfare, lined with tall flat-roofed buildings, towards the former Sultan’s palace, where the conqueror proposed to rest awhile. As was now usual, Rahu, otherwise affectionately known as ‘The Little Limpet’ because of his devotion to his duties, guarding his master, was riding protectively at the man’s side. The soldiers of the army had afforded the 11 year-old Zoroastrian the nickname despite the fact that many had never seen an ocean, let alone the sea creature concerned.

Rahu was armed with his specially downsized knife, sword, spear and bow and arrow. However, it was none of this weaponry that now proved useful to protect his master. Instead, the boy’s similarly diminutive and currently rather plain shield was to demonstrate its worth.

To the end of his life, Rahu could not elucidate why or how he, alone amongst all of Tamerlane’s bodyguards, felt imminent danger, as the cavalry troupe approached the palace. Nor could he explain his tremendous reaction to the mere sense, as opposed to sight, of the approaching deadly, poison-tipped arrow.

Tamerlane’s tidy procession was suddenly interrupted when Rahu unexpectedly rose up in his saddle and elevated his small round shield into the air. To the boy’s surprised but relieved master, evidence of the accurate approach of the arrow towards the man’s heart first came from the loud thud, heard as the missile hit wood. The conqueror then managed to see the projectile itself, now firmly embedded in the young Zoroastrian’s shield, before being completely surrounded by rightfully alarmed adult bodyguards and rushed towards the palace.

The failed assassin was never found and Vissarion successfully counselled Tamerlane not to secure bloody retribution from the people of Baghdad, who had already suffered so terribly a year previously. As well as the peerless sparkling blue eyes that adorned his face, which alone could probably have won the argument with his master, the 17 year-old Georgian had suggested reasonably that the perpetrator could be from anywhere.

In fact, the failed assassin had come from Damascus and did not long outlive his failure, although his due reward did not arise from falling into Tamerlane’s hands.

(Edirne, Ottoman Empire, same time)

A year later after the battle of Kosovo [1390], as part of the subsequent peace treaty, Bayezid I had accepted amongst his wives Olivera, who was the sister of the new young King of Serbia, Stefan Lazarevic, son of Lazar. The marriage had been arranged through Stefan’s mother, who had assumed the Serbian regency.

Despite being nominal heir to the growing Ottoman Empire, Mehmed rarely saw his father or brothers. The most influential people in the boy’s life were instead his mother, Devlet, who was originally from Germiyanogullari, and his similarly aged 5 year-old eunuch, Vladimir. However, the beautiful, blonde, blue-eyed but currently childless Olivera had suddenly taken an interest in the young prince, perhaps naturally given that, one day, he might be the all-powerful Sultan.

Olivera had begun to make regular excursions to Mehmed’s luxurious palace quarters, where she chatted amicably with the boy with his mother’s permission. Devlet did not consider this particular fellow Sultana to be a rival, given her childlessness.

Olivera also always took the trouble of saying a few words to Mehmed’s 5 year-old slave, despite their disparate status. She appeared to possess great sympathy for this particular fellow Slav, who had been castrated to serve in her husband’s court. This attitude existed despite the fact that there were many other white eunuchs of similar racial origin within the palace, most of who were engaged as the Sultan’s personal advisers, servants and bodyguards.

On this occasion, Olivera’s arrival interrupted Mehmed’s conversation with Vladimir. The latter 5 year-old, although very happy to be considered a possible future general of renown, had advised, with clear worry on his face, "I hope that you’re not going to send me to the Janissary barracks!" Word of the harsh training inflicted on the relevant boy recruits had reached his young ears, and he did not want to share such a regime.

"Of course not," Mehmed answered, "as you can instead share my own military training." The changed expression on Vladimir’s previously very concerned, beautiful face then exemplified the young Slav’s intense relief that he would not have to undertake years of harsh Janissary training in order to become their general. However, such matters were quickly forgotten by Olivera’s arrival, which was unexpected in more ways than one, as she entered the young prince’s quarters with her husband.

Bayezid had a round face, light complexion, hazel eyes, fair hair, prominent nose, thick beard and large shoulders. He had spent most of his childhood with his own brothers in the palace of the city of Bursa, which is on the Anatolian mainland, southeast of the Sea of Marmara, on the lower slopes of Mount Uludag, which was once known as Olympos by the ancient Mysians. The Sultan had been educated by the most famous Ottoman scholars of his time and, in his youth, he had been appointed by his father to the governorship of Kutahya province in order to practise ruling.

Mehmed greeted Bayezid formerly, as the rarely seen man was more the Sultan than a father to him. The ruler of the Ottoman world returned the welcome in similar style.

Bayezid then came straight to the purpose of his visit. The Sultan was, after all, a busy man, who could not afford to enjoy quality time with his children.

Pointing to Vladimir, Bayezid commanded of his young son "In future, I want your eunuch to taste all food and drink before you do. I have reason to believe that there might be an attempt to poison you!"

(Baghdad, Mesopotamia, next day)

Rahu had never been so proud in his young life. As the boy and Tamerlane rode side-by-side away from the palace in Baghdad, the streets were now lined by thousands of his master’s cavalry. However, the men were not so positioned in order to protect the conqueror from another assassin, as all the nearby buildings, including the rooftops and windows, had been cleared of residents. Instead, the men were present to salute a young hero.

As Tamerlane and one of his rightfully very proud and thrilled boys rode together, the 11 year-old Zoroastrian’s lovely ears were assailed by loud, regular shouts from the soldiers they passed of "Hail Rahu!" These laudatory exclamations were uttered whilst the men concerned raised their spears into the air in salute of the young, alert warrior, who had saved the life of their leader, who was hated by many but beloved by his army.

Meanwhile, Rahu sported a new shield, hurriedly but proficiently painted with a depiction of a limpet.

(Damascus, Syria, 2 weeks later)

For his failed effort, Tamerlane’s erstwhile assassin had just had his throat cut in Damascus. The deposed Sultan Ahmad of Baghdad had ordered the grisly deed, after hearing that his plan to have the dreaded conqueror killed had floundered on the shield of a nullified 11 year-old boy.

Shortly afterwards, Ahmad fled the Syrian capital for Egypt. Fearful that Tamerlane might either discover or assume his role in the failed assassination, the Sultan now planned to put as much distance as possible between him and the dreaded conqueror.

Ahmad understandably did not fancy taking more than a week to die at Tamerlane’s vengeful hands, which, he was sure, would invent some special, agonisingly deadly torments for him to suffer. Consequently, the Sultan was rushing to seek the protection of his Mamluk hosts, in their distant Egyptian capital of Cairo.

(Moscow, Principality of Muscovy, 2 weeks later)

Arman and Sibur rejoined their cavalry, hidden amongst the forests outside of Moscow’s walls. Neither had considered it diplomatic to alarm the citizenry of Muscovy’s capital that some of Tamerlane’s feared warriors were nearby, even if their numbers were so small.

The young Armenian and his lover had instead acted as if they were traders to gain access to Moscow and restore Yaroslav to his family. The members of the latter were naturally happy to have the boy returned to them, although this was tempered by sadness that Nicolai had failed to accompany his younger brother the whole way, plus concern about the 13 year-old’s current plight.

As Arman and Sibur rushed to return to the southeast of Rus, they were aware that somewhere between them and the hopefully still safe Nicolai and Teimuraz were undoubtedly large numbers of Mongols, led by Toqtamish. Consequently, in order to try to avoid a confrontation that they would now definitely lose, given their inferior numbers compared to those of the reinforced enemy, the young Armenian and his lover did not retrace their tracks with their cavalry contingent. They instead sought to reach the target destination by way of parallel trails, which they trusted might not be so well guarded by the Golden Horde.

As Arman and Sibur left Muscovy, they left behind a pair of significant balls. The testicular contents of Yaroslav’s currently rather small scrotum would someday ejaculate sperm whose later lineage would eventually produce the first Tsar of Russia.

(Ankara, Anatolia, same time)

The future capital of the Turkish Republic was currently a fortified town with castle, located on a hill above the Anatolian plateau at a major trading crossroads, involving one of the royal roads of the ancient Kings of Persia. Politically, the place was presently rather unimportant and was to remain so for another 8 years, until the day when two empires collided in the vicinity.

Amongst those most fatefully affected by that day at Ankara were to be Mehmed and Vladimir.

(Forests of southern Rus, 1 month later)

Arman and Sibur had miraculously not only managed to avoid confrontation with Mongols but also succeeded in returning to the site where they had left Nicolai and Teimuraz. However, their remarkable achievement, attained through the military skills of excellent tracking and evasion rather than luck, initially appeared tragically to have been performed uselessly.

Arman, dampness evident in his lovely brown eyes whilst fearing the worst, had instinctively known before he reached the tent, in which Nicolai and Teimuraz had been left, that the scene had long since been deprived of the presence of live humans.

(Sarai, Khanate of the Golden Horde, 1 year later, Summer, 1395)

Tamerlane was vengefully sacking the Golden Horde’s own capital of Sarai. After the events of the previous year in the forests of southern Rus, the conqueror had decided that neither Toqtamish nor the Mongols would ever threaten or harm any of his boys again.

As the conqueror presided over the utter destruction of Sarai, Rahu was, as usual, riding proudly at his master’s side, still sporting his shield with the painted limpet. However, the now 12 year-old Zoroastrian was not the only one of Tamerlane’s boys present. Vissarion, now 18 years of age but still looking as boyishly beautiful as ever, and Rezan also rode alongside their master, as did Arman and Sibur.

Completing Tamerlane’s mounted entourage, much to the man’s immense pride and satisfaction, as he watched Sarai burn, were Nicolai and Teimuraz.

(Toledo, Castile, Spain, same time)

Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo had just left his King, Henry III of Castile. The royal chamberlain was again feeling rather aggrieved that his monarch had once more refused him permission to go abroad.

Having successfully completed his mission to Muscovy and returned to the Castilian capital of Toledo, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo had hoped to persuade his King of the likely benefits of a similar embassy to the court of Tamerlane, who controlled the important silk routes to China. However, the chamberlain’s royal master had declared his servant currently too invaluable at court to be granted his wish.

Nevertheless, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo nurtured hopes that, if he asked persistently, he might sometime be granted authority to embark on his adventure. After all, he was clearly the best candidate for such a mission, having not only already met but also rescued members of Tamerlane’s court.

After carefully nursing Nicolai until the boy was ready to travel again, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, with the aid of Teimuraz and his own accompanying servants, had transported the young Muscovite to Azof on the Black Sea. Having almost suffered disastrously at Tamerlane’s feared hands, for allowing Vissarion and Arman to be kidnapped by a ship’s captain from their port a few years previously, the city’s Genosese administration was not going to risk similar.

The local authorities therefore assumed responsibility for the luxurious welfare of Nicolai and Teimuraz, whilst Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo sailed for home and until Arman and Sibur came to collect the boys. The latter expectancy was predicted because of the note left behind in his tent by the young Muscovite, explaining his disappearance from the forests of southern Rus.

The last exchange of words between the healed Nicolai and Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo in Azof had been an invitation from the former to the latter, suggesting that the Spaniard sometime visit Tamerlane’s court. "I’m sure," the beautiful, smiling 13 year-old had advised, "that my master would be most welcoming to someone to had saved the life of one of his boys!"

As Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo recalled in Toledo Nicolai’s words, the royal chamberlain looked forward to taking up the invite someday.

(Tiflis, Georgia, same time)

Tamerlane’s reformed attitude towards the homeland of Vissarion had seen, under the influence of the latter, better treatment of the local Christian population and restoration of damaged or destroyed buildings, including the great Sion cathedral of the Georgian capital, Tiflis [modern Tblisi], and many other churches. However, despite such social and infrastructure improvements, local nationalistic and religious hostility towards the Muslim overlords, who continued to seek regular substantial tributes, grew.

Vissarion was soon to experience a great crisis of loyalty when this enmity eventually exploded in popular revolt by his people, the Georgians, against his master, Tamerlane.

(Erevan, Armenia, same time)

The Christian Armenians were as resentful about Muslim suzerainty as their age-old rivals, the people of neighbouring Georgia. The population of their capital, Erevan [modern Yerevan], were particularly aggrieved, despite Tamerlane recently adopting relatively benevolent policies towards them too, in thanks for the presence of Arman into his life.

Arman would also soon experience a great crisis of loyalty, after his fellow Armenians rose in revolt against Tamerlane in tandem with their Georgian neighbours.

(Sarai, Khanate of the Golden Horde, same time)

Watching Tamerlane parade with his catamites round the environs of devastated Sarai was one of his sons. If the conqueror had perceived the hatred towards his boys behind the look in his offspring’s eyes, he would certainly have taken immediate action to protect his young entourage.

Unfortunately, Tamerlane did not notice his son’s underlying emotion, and this was to prove rather tragic for everyone concerned.

(To be continued in chapter 29 – ‘Sons’)

 

 

 

 

 

 




 

 

 



Return To The Eunuch Archive