By Pueros

‘I doubt whether any other family has ever been so much favoured by God as [that of the Macedonians] has been, which is strange when one considers the criminal manner of its coming to power and how it was born of murder and bloodshed. And yet the plant took root, and sent out such mighty shoots, each bearing Imperial fruit, that no other can be compared with it for beauty and splendour.’

- Michael Psellus, an 11th century Byzantine scholastic chronicler, in his ‘Chronograhia’, as previously quoted by this author in ‘Byzantines ά : Sophōtatos’

PART Α - πιπτω

Chapter A.ά – The Successes

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, 915)

The Empress, or ‘Basilissa’, Zoe and her regency ‘council of eunuchs’, as King Symeon of Bulgaria had with unjustified contempt dismissed the new Byzantine governing body, actually initially ruled the Empire well on behalf of her 10 year-old son, Constantine VII Porphyrogentius. The boy’s nickname suffix meant ‘born in the purple’.

Zoe had given birth to her son in September 905 CE in the Purple Room of the Imperial palace, which was the customary place for such confinements. The colour was exclusive to Roman and Byzantine Emperors, who were the only men authorised to wear garments completely of that hue within their Empires.

More metaphorically, the nickname of Porphyrogentius suggested that Constantine was the first son of a reigning Emperor, or ‘Basileus’. The boy was therefore supposedly naturally destined to succeed his father, Leo VI, as ruler.

Constantine, though, had actually been born illegitimate because no dispensation had yet been granted by the then Patriarch of Constantinople, Nicholas I Mysticus, for Leo VI to wed a fourth wife. Such marriages were against the teachings of the Eastern Orthodox Church of the time.

Afterwards, however, Patriarch Nicholas eventually agreed to baptise young Constantine, which he did in Hagia Sophia on the 6th of January 606 CE, in return for Leo VI ceasing to live in sin with Zoe and instead expelling her from the Imperial palace. The Emperor complied with the terms of this agreement but, as nothing had been said about the extent of the exile, her expulsion sneakily lasted only 3 days.

Patriarch Nicholas was naturally enraged at Leo VI’s flouting of the spirit of the agreement between them. He consequently became even more determined never to grant the Emperor dispensation for a fourth marriage or legitimacy to his son.

Nevertheless, Leo VI went through a form of marriage service later, conducted by a lowly parish priest and unauthorised by the furious Patriarch. Along with the legitimacy of his son, this wedding was only recognised after a subsequent church coup that replaced Nicholas I Mysticus with someone more compliant to the wishes of the Emperor. However, the arguments about such happenings, unsurprisingly in an era of regular religious ferment, raged on and still persisted now, 9 years later.

Now, 9 years later, the phenomenon of a council of eunuchs helping to govern the Empire well was also actually unsurprising in the context of the era. For four hundred years, since the reign of Justinian I, many such gelded Byzantines had held a significant number of the most important civic and religious offices, often customarily. The only traditional exceptions were Prefects of Constantinople, Quaestors, the most senior financial and legal officials, Domestics, the commanders of the four Imperial guards regiments, and the position of Emperor himself.

Many eunuchs holding high positions in this period had performed their duties very proficiently. Indeed some proved magnificent in their tasks, such as Narses, one of Justinian I’s generals, who will be the subject of a later story in this occasional series and who was one of the greatest soldiers in Byzantine history. As a result, many such people were well regarded.

By the 10th century, being a capable young eunuch in the Byzantine Empire consequently offered the possibility of a promising and respected career in the Imperial bureaucracy and even military. Many ambitious parents, even in aristocratic families, therefore had youngest sons castrated, hoping that they would gain preference for the most important posts to imported geldings.

Such deeds were perpetrated despite legal proscriptions against them. These laws dated back almost a millennium to the Roman Emperor Domitian, who had loved a boy eunuch deeply and had outlawed castration, and had been recently reinforced by the Byzantine Basileus Leo VI in his revised civic codes.

The author of this narrative has described earlier in other stories the motives for the preference of many Byzantine Emperors and other similar rulers, right up to the Chinese and Ottomans in the early 20th century, for placing eunuchs in key state positions. However, he makes no apology for now repeating the reasons in case some readers of this particular tale are unfamiliar with these previous explanations.

Eunuchs, with no wives and children to support and be ambitious for, as well as, even more importantly, deprived by their emasculation of having aspirations to occupy thrones themselves, tended to be far more loyal and hardworking than those genitally whole. Their dedication and productivity were also assisted by being both entirely dependent on their master’s continued confidence for their positions and disinterested in sex.

Rulers could therefore more safely place eunuchs in significant positions than those who were genitally whole. The latter would be much more likely to develop into dangerous rivals.

The Empress Zoe, based with her advisors in the Imperial palace, was as familiar with these considerations as anyone. She had therefore now chosen able eunuchs close to her to be predominant on young Constantine VII’s new regency council, whose first key decision was what to do about the previous head, Patriarch of Constantinople Nicholas I Mysticus.

In the event and in order to preserve harmony within the Eastern Orthodox Church, the regency council simply returned the Patriarch to his religious duties. They did so with a stern warning for him to refrain from interfering in secular matters.

The members of the regency council subsequently turned their attention towards other urgent issues. They were to achieve notable and relatively quick success in relation to four of the military matters.

The first was to restore Imperial influence over Christian Armenia, which had, before Empress Zoe’s restoration, been conquered in a particularly savage campaign launched by the Muslim Saracens. Success was achieved through a counter-attack in 915 CE by a Byzantine army, which heavily outnumbered the enemy.

The second success in the same year was the destruction of another Muslim army invading Byzantine territory from Tarsus [in modern south-east Anatolia, Turkey]. However, a third decisive military victory proved even more important and prestigious, for more Saracens, who had invaded southern Italy, which then still formed part of the Empire, were annihilated.

The fourth roughly simultaneous success was against Symeon of Bulgaria, who was aggrieved at the downfall of Patriarch Nicholas. The King fully knew that Empress Zoe would never consent to allowing her son to marry his daughter, as he had agreed with the former head of the regency council.

Because of his displeasure at the breaking of the agreement, Symeon had again invaded Byzantine territory. The King advanced to the city of Adrianople in Thrace [modern Edirne in European Turkey], which had been named after the Roman Emperor Hadrian and was quickly surrendered to him without a fight. However, he was subsequently both surprised and amazed when Empress Zoe rapidly despatched a huge army to retake the city, as a result of which he diplomatically and undoubtedly wisely retreated without a battle.

By the end of 915 CE, these four military successes suggested to most Byzantines that Empress Zoe and her council of eunuchs, with the help of their wise military appointments, could do no wrong and so their popularity was immense. There also appeared no reason to believe that they could not continue to safeguard the Empire until young Constantine VII Porphyrogentius came of age and was ready to take over.

Empress Zoe and her regency council, however, did not share the popular view. They were instead realistic enough to appreciate that circumstances could change dramatically. After all, they were completely dependent on the generals they appointed for the security of the Empire, which was surrounded by enemies intent on conquering or plundering Byzantine lands if they could.

Empress Zoe and her regency council realised that just one unwise military appointment could prove disastrous for the Empire, themselves and possibly the boy Emperor on behalf of whom they governed. They also recognised that powerful magnates, like the late unsuccessful usurper, Constantine Ducas, would certainly have ambitions for the throne.

Empress Zoe and her regency council appreciated that such magnates were unlikely to make any move whilst the current government remained successful and popular but, if this situation changed, further attempts to usurp power were likely. Consequently, complacency could not be allowed to develop and military appointments in particular needed to remain wise.

Unfortunately, Empress Zoe and her regency council were soon fatally to make a rare unwise military appointment in the form of a certain Leo Phocas, who was from one of the Empire’s foremost aristocratic families.

Chapter A.β – The Massacre

(Near the port of Anchialus [modern Pomorie], Gulf of Burgas, Bulgaria, almost 2 years later, 20th of August 917)

Leo Phocas’ military appointment proved unwise but was also an understandable mistake to make. He had excellent pedigree, being the son of one of Leo VI’s best generals, Nicephorus, and could expound knowledgeably and sensibly on army tactics and strategy. However, unlike his father, he could not transfer such learning to the battlefield.

The wily King Symeon of Bulgaria had not been defeated as a result of his retreat from Adrianople. He and his army had simply satisfied themselves with plaguing the communities of Epirus and Thessaly in northern Greece for a couple of years before again returning to Thrace.

A plan was therefore drawn up to eliminate the Bulgars from ever again being a threat to the Byzantine Empire. The strategy proposed that the Imperial Strategōs, or Military Governor, of the Crimea, John Bogas, based at Cherson [now just ancient ruins], would enlist the help through bribery of his neighbours, the notoriously savage barbarians, the Pechenegs, a semi-nomadic Turkic tribe then dominating the Eurasian steppes to the north.

Led by John Bogas, Pechenegs would attack the Bulgars from the north, assisted by the Byzantine fleet, under the command of Drungarios, or Admiral, Romanus Lecapenus, which would help them cross the wide River Danube. Simultaneously, the newly appointed Domestic Leo Phocas would lead the Byzantine army from the south from Constantinople and along the coast of the Black Sea, with the aim of fatally sandwiching the enemy.

Regrettably, when they met on the Danube, John Bogas and Romanus Lecapenus immediately argued over which of them was more senior and would therefore lead the Pecheneg forces over the mighty river. The Byzantine fleet remained idle whilst the dispute then settled into a long farcical impasse, during which time the savage barbarian hordes from the Eurasian steppes soon became wearied and drifted home.

Meanwhile, Leo Phocas was still advancing northwards along the coast of the Black Sea with the advancing Byzantine army, oblivious to the dangerous loss to his cause of the Pechenegs. The Domestic eventually encamped near the small port of Anchialus [modern Pomorie] on the Gulf of Burgas, just within sovereign Bulgarian territory.

Leo Phocas encamped with little regard for security. He was unwisely over-confident that the Bulgars would be in no position to attack because of the threat from the north of the Pecheneg hordes.

Symeon’s scouts had been furtively watching the progress of the Byzantine army, as well as reporting back the news from the Danube. Knowing therefore that he was actually not to be threatened from the north, the Bulgarian King consequently decided to concentrate all his energies on the enemy from the south.

At dawn on the 20th of August 917 CE, the Bulgars attacked the surprised and unprepared Byzantine army, encamped near Anchialus, from the hills to the west. King Symeon also literally caught Leo Phocas with his trousers down.

Leo Phocas had been bathing in a stream and, terrified by the commotion caused by the unexpected attack, his easily recognisable dismounted horse had fled. The flight of the rider-less steed through the Byzantine encampment subsequently suggested to the soldiers that their general had been slain and that they were therefore without a leader.

Consequently, many soldiers panicked and as a result either fought in disarray or attempted flight. However, regardless of what they tried to do, most were massacred. A century later, according to a contemporary chronicler, Leo the Deacon, their bones could still be found bleaching in the sunlight on the battlefield.

The disgracefully trouser-less and now army-less Leo Phocas did, however, manage to escape northwards to the port of Mesemebria [modern Nesebar, Bulgaria], from where he later sailed back to Constantinople.

Chapter A.γ – The Reaction

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, a few months later, Winter 917)

Empress Zoe’s reaction to the military disaster was rather naturally fury. She immediately ordered an inquiry, in particular into the conduct of Romanus Lecapenus, who, as a result of the investigation’s conclusions, was sentenced to be blinded as punishment.

This outcome of the inquiry was substantially assisted by two facts. First, Leo Phocas used his best oratory skills and his position as a doyen of the aristocracy to put all the blame for the recent massacre of his army successfully onto Romanus Lecapenus. Second, the latter admiral was not of noble breeding, being just the son of Armenian peasants, who had somehow risen through the naval ranks on sheer merit and was therefore someone upon whom many in the Byzantine hierarchy looked down.

Romanus Lecapenus’ father, ominously known as Theophyclact the Unbearable, had experienced the luck of rescuing his fellow Armenian of peasant stock, Emperor Basil I, incorrectly suffixed ‘the Macedonian’, from certain death at the hands of the Saracens. The incident occurred during the battle of Tephrikē [modern Divriği, eastern Anatolia, Turkey] in 872 CE, a year after Kocel had, as a 13 year-old carzimasia eunuch, originally arrived at the Byzantine court.

As a reward, the understandably grateful Basil I appointed Theophyclact to his Imperial guard. However, he rose no further, his subsequent lack of promotion possibly reflecting the reason why he was termed ‘the Unbearable’. Consequently, after being afforded little privilege or even education by his father, Romanus Lecapenus had been forced to carve out his own military career from the bottom.

Fortunately for Romanus Lecapanus, who was now aged about 45, along the way, he had gained some influential friends and these people now interceded on his behalf. With Empress Zoe’s fury simultaneously cooling, this intervention encouraged her to show him mercy. At almost the last moment, he was not only reprieved from the gruesome fate of being blinded with red-hot pokers but also restored, because of his previous highly meritorious service, as senior admiral of the Imperial fleet.

Empress Zoe’s mercy, however, was eventually to rebound seriously on her and her son. The ramifications were not to be good for either of them.

Meanwhile, having successfully deflected the blame for the massacre of his forces mainly onto to Romanus Lecapenus, Leo Phocas was now the subject of another fateful error by Empress Zoe and her regency council. He was appointed to command another army.

With this army, Leo Phocas was again to attempt to defeat the Bulgars, who once more had invaded Thrace and were threatening Constantinople’s walls.

Chapter A.δ – The Suburb

(Casasyrtae, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, shortly afterwards, Winter 917)

Leo Phocas and his new army marched out beyond the impregnable walls of Constantinople towards the westerly suburb of Casasyrtae in order to confront the besieging Bulgars. Unfortunately for his soldiers, the Byzantine general was now to prove as competent here as he had been at Anchialus.

Leo Phocas was now responsible for the massacre of another Byzantine army, although he again personally survived.

Chapter A.ε – The Appointment

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, a couple of months later, early 918)

The setbacks of Leo Phocas’ two military disasters now began to have an adverse effect on Empress Zoe’s judgement and therefore decisions. Despite contrary advice from many of the wise eunuchs on her regency council, she began in the aftermath of the massacres to take courses of action that were to prove disastrous for her and her son.

First, despite Leo Phocas being entirely discredited militarily, Zoe appointed the eloquent and handsome aristocrat as one of her closest advisors, having been swayed by his linguistic and physical charms. The Empress did so despite the impassioned but diplomatically conveyed entreaties not to do so from Kocel, her son’s intimate eunuch servant, who would soon reach his 60th birthday.

Kocel attempted to persuade Zoe that Leo Phocas was very unpopular because of his recent military disasters, just as were sadly the Empress herself and her regency council for the same reason. The eunuch therefore correctly suggested that the appointment would consequently only exacerbate matters and make attempted coups or revolts more likely.

Kocel additionally suggested that the appointment would place Leo Phocas into not only a position of great but unpopular importance but also one from which someone of his status might sometime attempt his own coup. The eunuch therefore tried to impress upon the Empress that she was consequently in this other way further endangering both herself and her young son.

Exasperatingly, however, Zoe dismissed both Kocel’s arguments and the eunuch himself from her presence. In the process, she told him in annoyance to concentrate on being a servant to her son and not to interfere with matters of state.

Kocel had no choice but to comply. The Empress had obviously been so smitten by Leo Phocas that she was not prepared to hear anything bad said against him, let alone have him dismissed as a close advisor.

Afterwards, Kocel confided his concerns about Leo Phocas’ appointment to young Constantine’s main personal tutor, Theodore, who clearly cared for the boy almost as much as him. Unfortunately, without the eunuch’s knowledge, this teacher later for the best of motives, but uncharacteristically unwisely for such a normally sagacious man, perpetrated something very stupid in reaction to the confessed worries.

This stupid action would subsequently and unwittingly on the tutor’s part lead to disaster befalling both Empress Zoe and her son.

Chapter A.ζ – The Letter

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, about a year later, early 919)

Kocel’s expressed concerns, about young Constantine’s welfare after Leo Phocas’ appointment as a close personal advisor to the Empress and confided to Theodore, subsequently dwelt on the tutor’s now equally troubled mind for about a year. Although nothing untoward had happened to the now 13 year-old boy during this period, the teacher believed that this situation might soon change.

Theodore believed, correctly and probably with some circumstantial evidence, that Leo Phocas was just biding his time before striking to usurp the throne. The aristocrat would be doing so simply because, after his military disasters, he needed first to restore his political and military influence and strength.

Eventually, Theodore’s own concerns became too much for his troubled mind. He decided that he could not just sit back and allow events to unfold and needed instead to do something positive to protect young Constantine. He therefore then perpetrated his stupid action, which proved a very unwise move but his worries had adversely affected his normally sagacious judgement.

Theodore now wrote a letter to Romanus Lecapenus. The latter had been restored to being senior admiral of the Byzantine fleet, or ‘Drungarios’.

Romanus Lecapenus’ impressive flagship and other vessels were currently anchored in Constantinople’s main harbour, the Golden Horn, which was named after its shape and the colourful effect of sunlight on its surface at certain times of the day. The Byzantine navy did not normally sail in winter because of the seasonal dangers at sea.

Theodore begged Romanus Lecapenus to provide protection for young Constantine.

Chapter A.η – The Response

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, shortly afterwards)

Theodore unwisely judged that Romanus Lecapenus would have less realistic ambition for the throne because of his humble foreign background compared with Leo Phocas. The tutor maintained this belief despite the numerous examples of the past when usurpers of lowly lineage had nevertheless succeeded in becoming Emperor.

The most recent example had been young Constantine VII’s own supposed grandfather, Basil I, the Macedonian. Despite his suffix, this Emperor was actually also, like Romanus Lecapenus, of Armenian peasant extraction too.

In fact, Romanus Lecapenus was actually as secretly ambitious for the throne as Leo Phocas. He therefore immediately publicly announced in response to Theodore’s letter his willingness to act as young Constantine’s protector, believing that such a position would take him closer to his aspiration.

The furious Empress reacted, on the advice of Phocas, by ordering Romanus to disband his fleet and personally retire. The admiral’s reply was to arrest her emissary and have his sailors stone other Imperial envoys sent to him.

Theodore’s letter appeared to have inspired an attempted coup by the Byzantine navy and in particular the fleet’s Drungarios.

Chapter A.θ – The Audience

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, shortly afterwards)

Kocel had been summoned to an audience with a member of the regency council, the subject of which he had presumed would be something to do with young Constantine VII’s welfare. In a way he was correct but not in the way he would have hoped.

When he arrived in the relevant room, Kocel first experienced a major shock. Sitting there, in pride of place, was the smirking Patriarch Nicholas I Mysticus.

Patriarch Nicholas immediately handed Kocel a parchment and commanded “You will arrange for young Constantine to read this before the Empress.” The last two words of this order were conveyed with clear disdain.

Kocel read some of the document and then asked “What if I decline, Holiness?” “Then you will be executed for treason,” Patriarch Nicholas advised, “and young Constantine placed under someone else’s protection!”

Kocel shivered. However, this reaction was not at hearing the threat about his own execution but at the way in which Patriarch Nicholas had said ‘protection’.

The Patriarch’s tone actually suggested that he really meant the opposite of this word. Given his previous history, Kocel was sadly not surprised.

Kocel also now realised that he had no choice but to obey the Patriarch’s command. However, he would do so not for his own personal safety, about which he actually worried little, apart from wanting to stay alive in order to serve and protect his beloved young Constantine.

13 year-old Constantine, despite still having poor health and if you discounted his customary paleness, was almost a physical replica of his handsome fair-featured and blue-eyed father at the same age. The boy was also displaying the late Leo VI’s supreme intelligence and other worthy attributes that suggested that he might soon become as excellent an Emperor too.

Kocel’s realised that he had no choice but to obey the Patriarch’s command for at least the physical protection of young Constantine. There was obviously a palace coup taking place, just as he had forewarned the Empress might occur because of her recklessness.

Consequently, Kocel appreciated that his main responsibility now was to ensure that young Constantine emerged from the coup at least alive, albeit probably in a seriously politically weakened state.

Chapter A.ι – The Coup

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, shortly afterwards)

The Empress’ own ministers had actually turned against her because of her recent irrational actions. They therefore launched a coup intended to restore Patriarch Nicholas to head young Constantine VII’s regency government.

The Patriarch had in recent years cleverly and quietly been re-insinuating himself back into favour and influence with many sadly gullible but powerful people in the hierarchy of the Imperial court, including the government ministers. He had done so skilfully both by being less arrogant than before and by falsely sanitising and idealising his own record as head of young Constantine VII’s regency council. He had also begun successfully to exacerbate the tarnishing of the Empress Zoe’s reputation once her fortunes and that of the Empire took a turn for the worst.

The Patriarch had eventually been so successful that he was the person to whom the Imperial ministers, who obviously possessed short memories, turned both to lead their coup and subsequently the Imperial government. Their bloodless revolt now reached the denouement.

The scene was a meeting of ministers called by the Empress Zoe to discuss what to do about Romanus Lecapenus’ own apparent revolt. However, in the event, there was no such discussion, at least one involving the Basilissa.

Empress Zoe, just as Kocel had been earlier in the day, was instead confronted in shock by her ministers in the company of the Patriarch Nicholas, who was clearly now their leader and whose facial smirk was broader than ever. Her obviously very unhappy son, the young Emperor, was also present, with the similarly extremely despondent Kocel, as virtually always, at the boy’s side.

Empress Zoe was subsequently forced to listen quietly as her son, with damp tearful eyes, then read out the proclamation dismissing her as head of his regency council.

Chapter A.κ – The Options

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, shortly afterwards)

The palace coup to replace the Empress Zoe as head of young Constantine VII’s regency council with the Patriarch Nicholas had proved successful. Subsequently, the deposed Basilissa was confined to her quarters to await her third banishment from the Imperial court and palace. She had already been informed that she was to return to her hated role as Sister Anna in the faraway remote convent of St. Euphemia in Petrium, where she would spend the rest of her days in confinement and presumably religious reflection.

After having fulfilled their purposes for now, young Constantine VII and Kocel were also next confined to their own currently shared quarters. Here, the eunuch did not want to alarm the tearful boy any more.

Consequently, Kocel did his best to comfort Constantine and reduce his distress instead of confiding in him his worst fears. The eunuch did not believe that Patriarch Nicholas would now risk the wrath of the populace by assassinating the popular boy immediately in order to place his own nominee on the Imperial throne. He did, though, perceptively think that the new head of the regency government had nefarious plans in respect of the young Emperor, which were likely to comprise one of two options.

In Kocel’s opinion, the first and worst possibility entailed Patriarch Nicholas indeed eventually seeking young Constantine’s death soon in order to place his own nominee on the Imperial throne. The second scenario involved the new head of the regency government ruling in his own right for now, as he had every authority to do, whilst using the boy as a puppet figurehead.

The problem with the second option, as far as Kocel was concerned, was, apart from the Empire having to suffer Patriarch Nicholas’ probable incompetent government, what would later happen when Constantine came of age and should be allowed to rule in his own right. The eunuch worried that the cleric might only delay the young Emperor’s quiet assassination and replacement until that time.

Nevertheless, Kocel naturally preferred the second option, as the scenario would afford time for young Constantine’s allies to attempt to prevent the Patriarch’s evil plans from coming to fruition. However, Kocel also feared that he personally might be thwarted from being one of the boy’s supporters.

Kocel instead worried that Patriarch Nicholas might now be planning to replace him soon as young Constantine’s personal servant with someone on whom he could better rely. The eunuch guessed that the restored leader of the regency government would want to impose his own nominee in order to acquire either improved opportunity to dispose of the boy quietly or greater influence over him.

Kocel also surmised that Patriarch Nicholas would not only replace him. He would probably also have him killed.

After all, Kocel had helped to thwart Constantine Ducas’ attempted coup of 5 years previously, which had undoubtedly in his opinion then seriously spoilt Patriarch Nicholas’ evil plans and caused him so much subsequent trouble.

Chapter A.λ – The Tears

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, next morning)

Soldiers arrived at Empress Zoe’s quarters in order to return her back to her life of confinement as Sister Anna in the faraway remote convent of St. Euphemia in Petrium. However, the military escort was then subjected to a surprise attack from a completely unexpected source.

A pale but nevertheless pretty fair-haired and blue-eyed boy, immaculately dressed in a colourful robe with copious gold embroidery, ran towards them and began hammering his fists into the shocked commanding officer. The tearful child also simultaneously blurted out “You mustn’t take her, you mustn’t!”

The assault from the rather weak boy did not hurt the officer physically but did emotionally and also caused him a dilemma because he recognised the child, who was clearly giving him a very forceful and impassioned command. The man subsequently allowed the harmless blows to continue. However, in order to attempt to calm the youngster, he replied to his entreaty by saying “Majesty, in view of your orders, I am prepared to query my mission with the head of your regency council before I seek entrance into the Empress’ quarters.”

The officer’s words did indeed soothe the boy, although the man was also grateful for the sudden appearance of a eunuch running down the palace corridor, who quickly accepted the crying child into his caring arms. All of the soldiers then recovered from their shock and knelt on one knee before their young Emperor, who in response just continued to sob but now only into the recently arrived servant’s belly, as he grasped him.

Kocel felt obliged to whisper an apology to the soldiers for young Constantine’s hysterical conduct. He also explained that the boy, completely out of character, had suddenly, on hearing the news of his mother’s imminent departure from the palace, run out of his own quarters, evading the guards on duty outside, to make his way to the Empress’ suites.

“I completely understand his majesty’s action,” replied the still kneeling officer, who now had utter distaste for his impending mission, having seen young Constantine’s heart-rendering tearful distress. He was therefore happy to confirm “I have already advised the Emperor that I shall undertake to query my orders in respect of the Empress because of his own counter-command.”

Kocel just sombrely nodded in reply, believing that the officer had no chance of any success in having his orders changed. The eunuch then gently led young Constantine back to his own luxuriant quarters.

The officer, however, did achieve success to the surprised delight of both Constantine and Kocel. He astutely did so by suggesting to Patriarch Nicholas, who had given him his orders, that news of the incident with the popular young Emperor would certainly soon spread and that great sympathy for both the boy and his mother would undoubtedly ensue.

Trouble amongst the populace might therefore also ensue, the officer additionally suggested, which might lead to riots or revolt if the orders were nevertheless still carried out. The situation might be exacerbated further if the young Emperor’s delicate health suffered as a result of his clear distress.

The officer astutely knew that Patriarch Nicholas would not want to stir popular unrest so soon after returning to secular office, especially with Romanus Lecapenus and his fleet still being a nuisance whilst anchored in the Golden Horn. The combination of the city mob and navy might prove fatal for the new government.

Patriarch Nicholas indeed, and sensibly for once, reluctantly concurred with the officer’s views and rescinded the orders. Empress Zoe was not to be despatched to the faraway convent but would instead be confined to quarters in a remote part of the Imperial palace, where her son could have access to her.

Patriarch Nicholas did not want any further trouble from the apparently potentially troublesome young Constantine either and so decided to pursue immediately his plan of what to do next with the boy.

Chapter A.μ – The Plan

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, shortly afterwards)

Kocel’s normally wise perceptiveness happily failed him for once because Patriarch Nicholas actually had no plans to replace him as Constantine’s personal servant. Despite his normal vindictiveness, the cleric instead intended the opposite because he considered the eunuch to be of more current use to him alive and serving the young Emperor than dead, at least until his value to him eventually ended.

Kocel’s normally wise perceptiveness, however, did assess Patriarch Nicholas’ other options concerning young Constantine correctly. Happily again, though, the cleric had chosen the second scenario, in which he planned to rule in his own right for now, using the boy Emperor as a puppet figurehead.

Patriarch Nicholas had, however, not chosen this option because of any improvement in attitude for young Constantine, whom he still considered to be an illegitimate bastard, unworthy of the Imperial diadem. He had instead indeed initially given careful consideration to enforcing Kocel’s worst fear, namely the first scenario of the speedy but quiet death and replacement of the boy by someone more suitable.

Fortunately for young Constantine, though, Patriarch Constantine favoured neither of the clear current candidates to replace the boy as Emperor, namely the two obvious present main plotters for the throne, Leo Phocas and Romanus Lecapenus. The cleric believed that the former was compromised by his military catastrophes and association with Empress Zoe, whilst, with typical snootiness, he considered the latter to be disqualified by his foreign peasant origins.

Nevertheless, Patriarch Nicholas was aware that he had to handle both men with careful diplomacy. He fully appreciated that Leo Phocas had skilfully used his charms and his position as an aristocratic doyen to rebuild his influence amongst the government hierarchy and army. He consequently could not just be dismissed offhand in the current delicate political climate. Meanwhile, Romanus Lecapenus not only had the clear backing of the Byzantine navy but also most of his fleet was anchored for the winter in the Golden Horn, dangerously close to the Imperial palace.

Patriarch Nicholas had resolved that, in current circumstances, he needed to retain young Constantine as a puppet figurehead for now in order to legitimise his own rule. His decision was, of course, rather ironic, given that he believed that the boy was an illegitimate bastard unworthy of the Imperial diadem.

Patriarch Nicholas consequently wanted someone who could ensure that young Constantine remained both well and compliant. He could think of no one better than Kocel.

Patriarch Nicholas was not a complete fool and he fully appreciated how important Kocel had been in ensuring that young Constantine had survived until now. Given that there was, from the cleric’s perspective, currently no other obvious candidate for the Imperial diadem, he needed the eunuch to maintain that role.

Another factor in Patriarch Nicholas’ decision was that he also realised that removing Kocel from Constantine’s service might seriously adversely affect the boy’s poor health, possibly leading to his death. Such a development would plunge the cleric’s immediate plans into chaos.

Patriarch Nicholas additionally recognised that Kocel feared for young Constantine’s safety in the changed political circumstances. He therefore decided that he could play on these worries in order actually to further his plans by intimidating the eunuch.

Patriarch Nicholas consequently surprised Kocel in a private audience by advising him that he was to retain his position as young Constantine’s personal servant but only on one condition. The eunuch was to ensure that the boy did indeed remain compliant at all times with the cleric’s wishes.

Patriarch Nicholas also made clear to Kocel that, if he failed, serious harm might befall both boy and eunuch.

Chapter A.ν – The Drungarios

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, several weeks later, 25th of March, 919)

Unfortunately for Patriarch Nicholas, he under-estimated both Leo Phocas and Romanus Lecapenus, who had initiated an undeclared war between themselves for political supremacy. They successfully largely ignored the cleric whilst they did so because he possessed no real military power to backup his authority.

Leo Phocas was now revealed as having the backing of most of the army in western Anatolia, just across the Bosphorus from Constantinople, whilst Romanus Lecapenus was still supported by the navy, much of which remained at anchor in the Golden Horn. Consequently, Patriarch Nicholas attempted to play a political balancing act between them in order to retain personal power. However, his old diplomatic flaws soon came to the fore and, as a result, he actually only succeeded in making his own situation increasingly insecure.

In the end, tired of the political manoeuvring, Romanus Lecapenus, who had earned a reputation for brave and successful decisiveness through his naval career, which had brought him to his senior position, took cogent action. He sailed his fleet to the private harbour, named the ‘Bucoleon’, of the Imperial palace, which he subsequently entered via the Marine Gate with a heavily armed guard of sailors. He then proclaimed his assumption, on behalf of young Constantine VII, of the Imperial government.

For the second time in just over 50 years, a man of Armenian peasant background had usurped power.

Chapter A.ξ – The Daughter

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, shortly afterwards)

For the same reasons that Patriarch Nicholas had allowed the now 61 year-old Kocel to remain as young Constantine VII’s intimate personal servant, Romanus Lecapenus permitted the association to continue too. However, he did not have to utter any threats to the eunuch about what might happen if the boy did not prove compliant to his will because he astutely appreciated that he did not have to do so.

Romanus Lecapenus had known about Kocel. He had also realised from this knowledge that the clever eunuch would fully recognise, without unsavoury words being exchanged between them on the subject, what he had to do to keep young Constantine safe.

Romanus Lecapenus now moved swiftly to consolidate his power. He began to do so by introducing 13 year-old Constantine to one of his daughters, 9 year-old Helena.

“I should very much like,” Romanus Lecapenus had declared at the introduction, whilst glancing not only at young Constantine and Helena but also significantly at the inevitably attendant Kocel, “that you two marry within the month!”

Chapter A.ο – The Persuasion

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, shortly afterwards)

“I won’t marry her,” young Constantine angrily and firmly declared to Kocel when the pair were again alone together in the privacy of the boy’s quarters, “as we’re both too young and anyway mother wouldn’t approve. The girl, after all, is just the daughter of an upstart Armenian peasant!”

Kocel raised an eyebrow on hearing young Constantine’s angered and firm declaration, which contained some prejudice. He had never before witnessed the normally meek and mild boy utter such irate resolute words or show any bigotry towards anyone because of their origins.

Kocel also appreciated, as a result of Constantine’s words, that he had a diplomatic fight on his hands to change the boy’s mind, which he realised he had to do for the 13 year-old’s own safety. He feared that if the young Emperor continued to be obdurate, Romanus Lecapenus might quietly murder him to prevent him from being an obstacle to his consolidation of supreme power.

Kocel appreciated that, like Patriarch Nicholas before him, Romanus Lecapenus currently clearly preferred to use young Constantine VII as a puppet figurehead to aid his consolidation of supreme power. Marrying the boy to his daughter would certainly help the overall process.

Unlike Patriarch Nicholas, however, Romanus Lecapenus did not need another candidate first before someone else eventually assumed the throne in Constantine VII’s place. He could instead now simply quietly murder the boy and declare that the child had finally succumbed to his ill health and, as there was no other surviving male member of the dynasty, he was assuming the throne himself in order to protect the Empire.

Kocel again shivered at the possibility of a scenario that involved the demise of his beloved Constantine. He therefore also now set out to attempt to persuade the young Emperor to marry the even younger Helena. He did so with a clear conscience, fully believing that winning the argument should guarantee the boy’s further survival, at least for now.

Kocel’s conscience was also assuaged by the fact that he believed that he had noticed something in young Helena’s character, despite the fact that the girl was only a 9 year-old and their recent acquaintance had been fleeting. She appeared to him from her expressions and actions to possess great confidence, independence, self-will and strength for one so young, all of which the much meeker Constantine sadly lacked, mainly because of his frail health and the personal and political traumas of his boyhood.

Consequently, Kocel, who was normally an excellent judge of character, perceptively thought, despite assessing them both at an early age, that the boy and girl might eventually grow to become a married couple who complemented each other perfectly.

Chapter A.π – The Wedding

(Hagia Sophia, Constantinople, less than 1 month later, April 919)

About 7½ years earlier, the elite of Constantinople had gathered in Hagia Sophia to celebrate the 25th anniversary of Leo VI’s ascent to the throne, giving thanks to God for gifting them such a great Emperor. All Christian services within the basilica were invariably of amazing magnificence but, on that occasion, the ceremony was of particular resplendence.

The entire court, splendidly attired in full Imperial regalia, congregated inside the Hagia Sophia before a curtain embroidered with half a million precious pearls, which veiled a huge golden altar inlaid with expensive gems. Thousands of candles illuminated the setting, whilst smoke rose from many incense burners.

Musicians dressed in scarlet accompanied hundreds of male choristers, with the Hagia Sophia’s massive curved dome above giving extraordinary resonance to the chants and singing. Meanwhile, the copious colourful surrounding mosaics shimmered in the candlelight.

Now, 7½ years later, Romanus Lecapenus tried his best to have such a splendid scene replicated whilst his little daughter, Helena, married the young Byzantine Emperor, Constantine VII.

Chapter A.ρ – The Parade

(Forum, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, a few months later, Summer 919)

Having married his young daughter to Constantine VII, Romanus Lecapenus next began to consolidate his position yet further. He started by awarding himself the title of ‘Basileopator’, which meant ‘father of the Emperor’.

Leo VI had originally devised the title. He had awarded the honorific for loyal service as a close advisor to one of his own fathers-in-law, who had been a parent of his second wife.

Romanus Lecapenus subsequently moved against the potentially dangerous Leo Phocas. The latter had fled across the Bosphorus to the army based at Chrysopolis [modern Üsküdar, now a heavily populated suburb of Istanbul on the Asian shore].

Again supposedly in the name of poor much misused young Constantine VII, Leo Phocas had at Chrysopolis declared his intent to remove the renegade Drungarios from power. Romanus Lecapenus cleverly responded by sending spies, including people as diverse as a priest and a prostitute, across the Bosphorus to the army encampment.

Once there, the spies furtively spread around copies of a letter. This document, ostensibly composed and signed by the popular young Constantine VII himself, confirmed the Emperor’s confidence in his Basileopator, whilst simultaneously describing Leo Phocas as a despicable rebel against his sovereign.

The ruse worked splendidly and Leo Phocas soon realised that he had lost the loyalty of the bulk of his soldiers. He therefore again fled, this time northward towards Bithynia [modern north-west Anatolia, Turkey] but was quickly captured, blinded and returned to Constantinople.

Having narrowly survived the threat of blinding himself only 1½ years previously, Romanus Lecapenus was initially genuinely enraged that the captors of Leo Phocas had perpetrated the deed on his rival without his permission. However, his merciful feelings did not last too long and soon instead a ruthless streak in his character came to the fore.

In response to learning of a conspiracy against him by some of Leo Phocas’ supporters, Romanus Lecapenus had his unfortunate recently blinded erstwhile rival paraded on the back of a mule, and to accompanying loud abuse and taunts from the crowds present, around Constantinople’s forum.

Chapter A.ς – The Tomus

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, 1 year later, 9th of July 920)

Constantine VI Porphyrogentius, now aged 14, looked with clear immense distaste at the parchment that he was required to sign. The document comprised a tome confirming the religious laws on marriage.

The document represented the findings of a Church Synod, convened at Romanus Lecapenus’ behest by his characteristically adaptable and consequently compliant new ally, Patriarch Nicholas, to review the marriage laws in view of the controversy over Leo VI’s four unions. The cleric happily considered the resultant ‘Tomus Unionis’ to be a crowning achievement of his career, finally securing belated revenge against the late Emperor and his supposed wife, Zoe, who was still living in confinement in the Imperial palace.

Although second and third marriages were now allowed in certain circumstances and with due penances, a fourth was strictly forbidden by the Tomus Unionis and anyone indulging would be excommunicated. The law, though, was not made retrospective. However, Leo VI’s taking of his last two wives was damned and his son’s legitimacy and therefore right to the throne condescendingly accepted only with great reluctance.

Young Constantine VII naturally currently exhibited his own reluctance, on his part to sign the Tomus Unionis in order to make the document law. After all, the tome only accepted with sufferance his right to wear the bejewelled Imperial diadem, which was presently resting on his pale but nevertheless pretty head for this state occasion.

As common whenever he wavered over matters, young Constantine therefore glanced furtively at the ever-attendant Kocel. In return, the eunuch discretely nodded positively and not long afterwards the Tomus Unionis had become Byzantine law.

Kocel had nodded positively despite the fact that he knew full well what Romanus Lecapenus was attempting to do by causing the far-from-reluctant but indeed extremely delighted Patriarch Nicholas to summon the recent Church Synod in the first place. In his opinion, young Constantine’s Basileopator was gradually attempting to undermine his son-in-law’s position in order to claim the Imperial diadem himself, as simply being the power behind the throne was clearly not enough for him.

As was common, Kocel’s opinion proved entirely correct.

Chapter A.σ – The Poisoner

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, about a month later, August 920)

There was some commotion in the Imperial palace because one of Romanus Lecapenus’ wine-tasters had died whilst on duty, apparently having been poisoned. The Basileopator immediately, without any proof but suspiciously as far the true perpetrator of the deed was concerned, accused the Empress Zoe of attempting to murder him.

Romanus Lecapenus appreciated that Empress Zoe remained a serious threat to him whilst she remained in Constantinople. In his opinion, she was surely bound to be plotting somehow to free her son from his control and return herself to power. He had also not forgotten that she had almost had him blinded.

Despite the lack of proof and without anyone willing to give consideration as to why the Empress would attempt a poisoning when all of Romanus Lecapenus’ food and wine was carefully tasted by slaves before he consumed any, Zoe was now condemned for the deed. Consequently, her hair was again shorn and she was once more forced to wear the crude nun’s habit that she so despised.

Meanwhile, her son, young Constantine VII, was deliberately kept ignorant of these swift developments on the orders of Romanus Lecapenus. The Basileopator did not want the boy tearfully interceding on his mother’s behalf as he had once so successfully done.

Shortly afterwards, Zoe was again despatched to the distant convent of St. Euphemia in Petrium and on this occasion she was to spend the rest of her days there in remote contemplative confinement as Sister Anna.

Chapter A.τ – The Tutor

(Residence of Theophylact, Count of the Imperial Stable, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, a couple of weeks later, early September 920)

Young Constantine VII had barely recovered from the shock of his mother’s sudden return to exile when he lost another close friend too. His tutor, Theodore, had been invited with his brother to a banquet hosted by a close ally of Romanus Lecapenus, the patrician Count of the Imperial Stable, Theophylact.

By this time, Theodore had finally realised how much in error he had been to send the original letter to Romanus Lecapenus, inviting him to be young Constantine’s protector. The Basileopator had also been made aware by his palace informers of how the tutor now regarded him with hatred.

Romanus Lecapenus naturally disliked having undeclared enemies in the palace. He instead preferred to eradicate the potential danger posed by them by removing them, preferably into distant exile.

A few such enemies, however, were considered both essentially harmless and too invaluable to lose their posts. Kocel was someone who was regarded in this light.

Theodore, despite being considered harmless, was, though, also regarded as dispensable. Consequently, in the middle of Theophylact’s banquet, he and his brother were unjustifiably accused of a plot to kill Romanus Lecapenus.

Subsequently and without a trial, Theodore and his brother were, like Zoe just a couple of weeks previously, speedily despatched into distant exile. However, in their case, they were sent to the greater comfort of their countryside estate in north-west Anatolia.

Young Constantine VII, who barely saw his wife, the now 10 year-old Helena, let alone consummate his marriage with her, now appeared to have only one friend left in the Imperial palace, namely Kocel.

Chapter A.υ – The Caesar

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, a further couple of weeks later, 24th of September 920)

Constantine VII Porphyrogentius, shorn of his closest friends bar one in the Imperial palace just as comprehensively as his mother had recently been shorn of her hair, was also now no longer the sole Emperor of the Byzantine Empire. Instead, the boy had on this day, just after he had celebrated his fifteenth birthday, been compelled to appoint 50 year-old Romanus Lecapenus as ‘Caesar’.

The title of Caesar actually denoted a more junior co-ruler. However, the reality of power was different, for young Constantine possessed none.

Romanus Lecapenus, now supreme and without real rival, subsequently crowned himself with the relevant Imperial diadem on the 17th of December, just before Christmas 920 CE. The occasion formally marked another remarkable rise of an Armenian peasant to the ‘purple’.

Soon, the coinage of the Empire would also depict Romanus I’s image in the greater place of honour, with a larger profile and more splendidly attired, than that of young Constantine VII. However, these portraits were just reflecting the new reality of power.

With an apparent strongman on the throne and given the subtle hints presented on the coins, many people now began to believe that young Constantine VII Porphyrogentius’ profile would soon disappear from the Imperial currency completely, as the boy himself quietly disappeared from history.

PART B - άνισταμαι

Chapter B.α – The Scholar

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, 8 months later, May 921)

In the event, Romanus I’s conscience, for he was a devout Christian, deterred him from quietly attempting to kill without detection young and still publicly popular Constantine VII. He appreciated that such furtiveness would be necessary to avoid the strong possibility of resultant revolt amongst the citizenry.

Romanus believed that murdering young Constantine furtively would have been simple enough to do with poison, given the boy’s delicate health and the constant expectation than he might expire naturally at any moment. Nevertheless, he demurred from perpetrating the deed, especially on a crowned and sanctified Emperor.

Romanus desisted despite fully recognising that the continued existence of young Constantine would be a major problem for his ambition of establishing his own stable Imperial dynasty. In order to assist this aim, his wife and now Empress, Theodora, gave him eight children, including four boys, before her death in February 923 CE.

Despite what had been perpetrated on Leo Phocas and possibly a certain wine-taster, and his willingness to employ duplicity to aid his rise, Romanus was essentially a merciful man, not given to the common brutality of the era. He, for example, always preferred exile to mutilation or execution for his enemies.

Romanus consequently hoped that nature rather than murder would help his dynastic ambitions by eliminating through natural causes young Constantine VII from the equation. However, the frail boy somehow continued to hang on to life to the frustration of his supposed co-ruler.

Nevertheless, Romanus did begin to take important steps to establish a personal dynasty. First, he rapidly promoted himself to be the senior Emperor, helped, as he had planned, by the Tomus Unionis’ undermining of young Constantine VII’s right to hold such status. This development was speedily followed now, in May 921, by the elevation to Caesar of his oldest son, Christopher.

Young Constantine, though, did not protest. The now 15 year-old boy instead followed Kocel’s advice. “Your life is more important than any throne, Majesty,” the eunuch had counselled, “and so you are best maintaining a quiet and very low profile whilst Romanus remains so paramount and unopposed.”

Young Constantine had often in the past asked Kocel to drop the formality of conferring titles like ‘Majesty’ on him during their private conversations. However, the boy had eventually given up these forlorn requests because his eunuch proved to be a stickler for maintaining court formalities.

Kocel, lovingly more concerned for young Constantine’s life than anything else, was nevertheless naturally unhappy about the political changes being introduced by Romanus. However, he also appreciated that the man was now far too powerful to challenge safely.

Romanus I’s consolidation of power had been assisted by the fact that he was actually proving to be quite a worthy and successful Emperor. The public had therefore accepted him in his new role without much opposition, especially as Constantine VII remained a minor and no harm had befallen him.

Kocel consequently now encouraged Constantine to concentrate on matters other than his prospects of ever becoming a true Emperor. The eunuch did so in order to help the boy overcome his regrets at this situation and his sad loneliness, which had been exacerbated by the exile of both his mother and tutor.

Kocel had attempted to make the boy as happy as he could with his own gregarious company. However, he fully appreciated that he could never really properly substitute for a mother’s love or bridge the age-gap of almost half a century between them.

Nevertheless, Kocel tried his best, in particular by encouraging young Constantine’s enthusiasm for scholarship. The boy had a very enquiring mind and a broad spectrum of academic and artistic interests, including being a good painter.

One favoured hobby of Constantine became the study of court ceremonial, which for the Byzantines was highly complicated. Given his formal but sadly powerless position, the boy was, of course, provided with ample chances of both witnessing and practising the subject in action at first hand.

Consequently, Constantine quickly became an enthusiastic expert at the topic and was eventually to leave behind an associated gift for posterity.

Chapter B.β – The Procession

(Hagia Sophia, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, 2 months later, July 921)

Another acute humiliation for young Constantine resulting from the Tomus Unionis was the subsequent annual commemoration of his signing of the document. On the second Sunday of every July, copies were read out in every church in the Empire. In the capital on the same day, a holy and highly public procession also took place between the basilicas of St. Irene and Hagia Sophia in which the supposed co-rulers participated alongside the Patriarch.

On this day, on the first anniversary of the signing of the Tomus Unionis, young Constantine had just endured the initial such humiliating procession alongside the smirking Patriarch Nicholas. However, the boy suffered the ordeal bravely.

Despite his general meekness, young Constantine had at first wanted to fight Romanus’ command that he participated in the, for him, humiliating procession, which would only remind the populace of his alleged original illegitimacy in acceding to the throne. However, Kocel persuaded him otherwise.

Kocel had reminded Constantine that the main duty that he could now perform for his own dynasty was to survive.

Chapter B.γ– The Castrations

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, almost 4 years later, May 925)

“He’s done what?” an incredulous and now 19 year-old Constantine asked of Kocel. “Emperor Romanus has just announced that he intends to make his second and third sons, Stephen and your namesake, Caesars too, Majesty,” Kocel repeated in answer.

“But that’ll make a ridiculous five of us nominally sharing the throne,” Constantine commented, whilst not superficially exhibiting any emotional injury at the news. However, Kocel appreciated that the development, as with the earlier similar elevation to Caesar of Romanus’ eldest son, Christopher, would indeed hurt him a lot, albeit not for selfish reasons. He would instead be upset by the further diluting of his own family’s dynastic legacy.

“Well,” the now 67 year-old Kocel replied, “that’s not the only news, Majesty. Romanus has also just had his fourth and youngest son, 8 year-old Theophylaktos, as well as his illegitimate child, Basil, castrated!”

“Why in God’s name has he done that to the poor boys?” Constantine next asked in further incredulity. “In order to further his dynastic ambitions apparently, Majesty,” Kocel responded.

The highly intelligent Constantine considered this response for a while before saying “Oh, I see. Romanus is planning senior bureaucratic or church careers for Theophylaktos and Basil to support either himself or his other sons in their Imperial positions of power.”

Kocel could not help but smile at the quick correct analysis of Constantine, who was now no longer a boy but a highly intelligent, gifted and handsome young man, although he was embarrassingly currently unable to grow a full beard in line with contemporary fashion. The discomfiture created by this situation was also exacerbated by the fact that, amongst adult males in Byzantine society, only eunuchs were supposed to sport hairless chins and therefore doing so whilst being genitally-whole was regarded as a disgrace.

Kocel believed that Constantine’s present lack of beard was probably a by-product of his frail health, which, though, was noticeably happily, albeit slowly, improving as he grew older. The eunuch naturally hoped that such joyous progress would continue, as well as that hirsute growth would soon appear on the young man’s chin to eradicate his present embarrassment.

Kocel was also naturally very happy to have guided with some success his highly likeable charge safely through his childhood. Constantine might have lost his mother and other close friends and be isolated and powerless but he remained alive, with improving health, and was still nominally an Emperor, second most senior of the five supposedly sharing Imperial authority. He was also highly intelligent and possessed a very pleasant character, albeit a rather meek and retiring one, which was perhaps unsurprising, given the traumas that he had suffered.

Despite the fact that present circumstances suggested that the scenario was unlikely, Kocel now briefly remembered his last toast with Eudocius of eleven years previously. “As an adult,” the eunuch had earlier advised the Abbot, who was emasculated too, although he had only lost his testes and not his penis as well, “I’m sure that Constantine would make a fine Emperor. My aim in my role is therefore to try to ensure that he survives to become one.”

“To your success, Kocel,” Eudocius had subsequently toasted with wine, “for which I shall pray to God daily until I breathe my last!” ‘Well,’ the eunuch now thought to himself, ‘Constantine has reached manhood’.

‘Will, however,’ Kocel next secretly pondered, ‘God ever grant me the opportunity to achieve the other bit of my pledged role?’ He then considered the still robust and all-powerful Romanus I and his three equally healthy sons, now elevated to the throne alongside Constantine.

As a result of these considerations, Kocel decided that Abbot Eudocius was sadly unlikely to have his prayers answered.

Chapter B.δ – The Consummation

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, a few days later)

“Has he?” a not unhappy Constantine asked rhetorically. He had just been advised by Kocel that Patriarch Nicholas, inveterate foe of his father and mother and also of him, had died at the age of 73.

In line with his kindly nature, though, Constantine did not gloat, as he never wished death on even his worst enemies. He instead simply carried on with his writing, for he was yet again recording some aspects of Byzantine ceremonial.

Kocel appreciated that Constantine clearly did not want to talk further about the demise of Patriarch Nicholas and so changed subject. “There’s someone asking to see you,” the eunuch consequently advised.

“Oh, who?” enquired an interested Constantine, who received few visitors. “Your wife, Majesty,” Kocel answered.

Constantine rarely saw Helena, who was now aged 15. Having wed when the pair had been only young children, their marriage had in the early years been just one of pragmatic diplomacy and certainly not one as would be practised by a normal man and wife. Apart from the occasional shared ceremonial, they led separate lives in which their union had not yet been consummated.

On the last occasion that Constantine had seen Helena, she had still been a flat-chested child of no real interest to him. In fact, he rather disliked her because she seemed too feisty for his tastes. Consequently, he only reluctantly agreed to meet her now out of politeness.

Kocel quietly observed with keen interest when he subsequently escorted Helena into Constantine’s luxuriant quarters. The young man’s reaction was just as the astute eunuch had anticipated.

Constantine’s eyes visibly widened in both surprise and his own keen interest when he saw Helena, who had changed considerably since they had last met. Gone was the flat chest, replaced with an alluringly buxom bosom. Gone also was the child because she had clearly become at just 15 years of age a highly attractive and spirited young woman.

Kocel was aware, not least from Constantine’s regularly stained bedclothes and visual interest in some of the young palace maidservants, that the young man was both sexually active and heterosexual, although he had not yet consummated his passion. His meek nature and considerate unwillingness to take advantage of others in inferior positions had instead left him still a virgin.

Kocel, however, now happily realised that Constantine’s virginity, and his failure so far to consummate his marriage with Helena, would both soon be consigned to past history, albeit probably not at his own instigation.

Chapter B.ε – The Ambition

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, a few days later)

Kocel had now been summoned to Helena’s luxurious quarters within the Imperial palace. Being a carzimasia eunuch, he was considered no sexual threat to her and so was one of the few males allowed inside.

By now Kocel knew that Constantine had indeed finally lost his virginity and consummated his marriage with Helena. The eunuch also fully appreciated who, as he had suspected would, had led the process.

Six years earlier, when Constantine had been forcibly betrothed to Helena by her father, Romanus, Kocel had guessed that the girl possessed great confidence, independence, self-will and strength. His astute judgement again proved accurate.

To Kocel, the rapidly maturing Helena had apparently now decided that she wanted to become the proper wife of an Emperor. He also assessed that she probably currently had little true affection for Constantine but, to her, that would not matter for now.

Neither did such current lack of real affection for Constantine bother Kocel. The eunuch believed, by judging both their characters and the complementary nature of them, that genuine love would develop between them and he was once more eventually to be proved correct.

To Kocel, the present most important benefits of Helena’s recent successful seduction of Constantine were twofold. First, he should from now on enjoy the more normal sex life of a married man, which might further help improve his quality of living and health. Second, he would have another close companion, of whom he could not be deprived because, after all, she was not only his wife but also the daughter of Romanus.

Kocel was not surprised by Helena’s invitation to meet her privately. The eunuch had presumed that the strong-minded girl would like to establish the lines of demarcation in respect of their respective roles in relation to Constantine and yet again he was proven correct. However, something else was agreed between them, about which he was extremely happy.

Helena had first conveyed polite and clearly genuine thanks to Kocel for his role so far in ensuring Constantine’s wellbeing. She subsequently confirmed that she was very content for the eunuch’s work to continue essentially as before, with the exception of the responsibilities that she would personally now assume in respect of her husband.

Helena, who had fully assessed Kocel’s invaluable abilities and history and knew that he could be trusted completely, concluded their private meeting by confiding in him what were her own ambitions for her husband, Constantine. For once, the eunuch was surprised.

“My ambition, Kocel,” 15 year-old Helena unexpectedly declared, “is someday to see Constantine become sole Emperor!”

Chapter B.ζ – The Pact

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, shortly afterwards)

“You seem shocked, Kocel,” Helena subsequently correctly commented, “to hear of my ambition. Perhaps you believe that I should be displaying greater loyalty towards my father and brothers.”

“That thought, Majesty, had crossed my mind,” Kocel replied. “Well, I certainly am loyal to my father,” Helena responded with remarkable maturity for a 15 year-old, “and do not want to see him replaced as senior Emperor. However, he is 55 and thoughts must be afforded to the eventual succession.”

“I’m sorry,” Helena next advised, “but the thought of any of my brothers succeeding my father appals me. As their sister, I’ve been in a good position to judge their characters and I find them seriously lacking and certainly unworthy of attaining power.” On hearing her serious, mature and clearly well-studied condemnation of her male siblings, Kocel immediately assessed that perhaps all of her father’s best attributes must somehow have passed down the female line only.

“I instead believe,” Helena went on to declare, “that my husband would make by far the better successor. You see, Kocel, although we have met rarely before late, I have from afar taken an interest in his development and I liked what I heard about him, which I’ve now also managed personally to confirm.”

Helena next smiled and continued “Although I do believe that he might need certain moral support from me to become a great Emperor!” Kocel instantly both recognised and agreed with what she clearly meant.

As Kocel had already previously determined, Constantine’s own attributes, although considerable, might nevertheless substantially benefit from Helena’s obvious complementary strengths of character, especially in overcoming his occasionally misplaced mildness. The eunuch could now indeed imagine the pair as a formidable partnership for the good if they were ever to rule the Empire in their own right.

“I have good reason to believe, Kocel,” Helena finally added, “that you will share my ambition. I therefore desire that we work closely together in the years ahead in order to ensure that the aim is achieved. Can we agree a pact between us that this will indeed be our mutual goal?”

Kocel, of course, very happily answered “I certainly agree to that pact, Majesty!”

Chapter B.η – The Blow

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, 6 years later, 931)

The still surviving Constantine VII had suffered yet another humiliation in 927 CE at the hands of the Lecapenus family. Romanus I had in that year promoted his eldest son, Christopher, over him in the Imperial pecking order, reducing him to third senior.

On the death of his own wife, Theodora, four years previously, Romanus had already and significantly promoted Christopher’s spouse, Sophia, to the title of Empress. Clearly the eldest son was being groomed to rule the Empire one day.

In 931, however, Romanus I’s dynastic aspirations suffered a major blow when Christopher died. The senior Emperor took the loss badly and he subsequently began seriously to wonder why God had deprived him of his eldest son and effective nominated successor.

The idea now took root in the devout Romanus’ distraught and grieving mind that perhaps God was punishing him for replacing and humiliating the true Emperor, Constantine VI Porphyrogentius. After all, he personally had no real right to the throne, which he had attained only through deceitful usurpation.

Consequently and significantly, Romanus therefore did not promote, much to their disgust, another son to replace the late Christopher as second in the Imperial hierarchy and so Constantine VII Porphyrogentius was restored to this seniority, although he still accrued no power as a result.

Chapter B.θ – The Birth

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, 7 years later, 938)

The now 27 year-old Helena had already given her husband, 32 year-old Constantine VII Porphyrogentius, a baby son, who was named Leo after his late paternal grandfather. However, the child had sadly soon died.

In 938 CE, though, Helena produced a second much healthier son and the happy parents, who also were to produce five daughters, on this occasion felt obliged to name the boy after his very much still-alive maternal grandfather, Romanus.

Chapter B.ι – The Shout

(Golden Gate, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, 6 years later, 15th of August 944)

Romanus I’s top and highly capable general, John Curcuas, had, whilst campaigning in the east, besieged the once Christian but now Muslim city of Edessa [modern Şanlıurfa in south-east Turkey]. The commander of the Byzantine army knew that he could eventually capture the place.

John Curcuas, however, had a greater prize in mind. Edessa was home to a supposed miraculous cloth portrait of Jesus Christ, revered by Christians and Muslims alike.

Consequently, John Curcuas sent a message to Edessa’s leaders that he would not only leave the city unharmed but also return Muslim prisoners previously captured if they surrendered the holy portrait to him, which they eventually reluctantly did. The general then immediately sent the sacred object to Constantinople.

Romanus I, though, was now 74 and ailing. He therefore preferred to remain in his palace retreat at Blachernae, which was a suburb of Constantinople, rather than personally receive with due ceremony the holy portrait.

As a result, the holy portrait was formally received at the ceremonial landward entrance to Constantinople, the western Golden Gate, by the three surviving younger co-Emperors, Constantine VII and the second and third sons of Romanus I, Stephen and another Constantine. They were in the company of the current Patriarch.

The current Patriarch now happened to be Romanus I’s youngest son, Theophylaktos, who had been castrated at the age of 8 on the orders of his father almost twenty years previously. He had succeeded to the Patriarchy in 933 CE, whilst still short of his sixteenth birthday, and had since given greater priority to his huge collection of horses, for which he had massive stables built at great cost, than to his religious duties.

As their sister, Helena, had asserted almost twenty years previously, Theophylaktos’ two older surviving brothers were just as unworthy in their own respective positions, becoming infamous for their dishonesty and depravity. Consequently, all three siblings were, unlike their father, who had proved to be a capable Emperor, deeply unpopular.

Such unpopularity, though, did not extend to Constantine VII Porphyrogentius, who would celebrate his 39th birthday in the following month and was the son of the still sincerely revered Leo VI, the Most Wise. There was amongst the populace not only great sympathy for his past ill treatment, as well as associated guilt, but also recognition of his high intelligence and scholarship, which appeared to match that of his great father.

Another reason for Constantine VII Porphyrogentius’ current popularity was his handsome looks for he had amazingly long outgrown his boyhood frailties. He was now tall and broad-shouldered, with a healthy ruddy complexion, abundant dark beard and sparkling light blue eyes.

Of the three junior Emperors now accompanying the holy portrait in formal procession from the Golden Gate to Hagia Sophia, Constantine VII Porphyrogentius was the only one who truly looked the part. Few of the thousands of spectators watching could even believe that he had ever suffered a day’s sickness in his life, which was testament not only to his ability to survive all sorts of hardships but also to the protection and nurturing afforded him by Kocel and Helena.

In view of Constantine VII Porphyrogentius’ popularity and the citizenry’s opposite attitude to the pair of junior co-Emperors alongside him, a shout that now emerged from the watching throngs, as the procession to Hagia Sophia progressed slowly away from the Golden Gate, should not have been surprising. Nevertheless, the Lecapenus clan, with the notable exception of Helena, who was steadfastly loyal to her husband as opposed to her brothers, subsequently tried to dismiss the loud utterance, news of which quickly spread around the city, as that of a madman. However, their counter-propaganda attempt had little effect.

The shout had suggested, in reference to the holy portrait, “Constantinople, accept the glory and the blessing!” However, the next phrase was of much greater significance.

“And you, Constantine,” the shout continued, whilst clearly not referring to Romanus I’s son of that name, “accept your throne!”

Chapter B.κ – The Will

(Blachernae Palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, same time)

At the same time that the holy portrait was being ceremonially conveyed through the streets of Constantinople from the Golden Gate to Hagia Sophia, Romanus I was closeted in his suburban palace at Blachernae. He was ill and extremely depressed, and not just because he felt the approach of death.

Romanus had a very troubled conscience too. The idea, taken root in his devout, distraught and grieving mind on his eldest son’s death of thirteen years before, that perhaps God was punishing him for replacing and subsequently humiliating the true Emperor, Constantine VII Porphyrogentius, had not only persisted but also festered.

Romanus’ troubled conscience was worsened by his realistic and informed recognition that his remaining sons were worthless, whilst his son-in-law, especially with the support of his very capable daughter, was the opposite. He had long since begun to believe that he had perpetrated an immense sin in not granting Constantine VII Porphyrogentius Imperial power and so would be damned in the afterlife.

Consequently, Romanus not only feared death but also was giving virtually his whole attention to matters of faith and especially the salvation of his soul. Accordingly, he surrounded himself with religious advisors, who encouraged him to take actions that they believed might placate God in his favour.

Most of the resultant Imperial decrees were quite stupid. For example, Romanus cancelled all rents and other debts owed to the state in Constantinople, seriously damaging Imperial finances. He also ordered the expulsion from the Empire of the industrious Jews unless they converted to Christianity.

Romanus, amidst his torment, did, however, manage to fulfil one sensible act. He drafted a new will.

In the new will, Constantine VII Porphyrogentius was clearly nominated as Romanus I’s senior successor.

Chapter B.λ – The Sons

(Proti, Princes’ Islands, Propontis [modern Kinali in the Sea of Marmara, Turkey], Byzantine Empire, over 4 months later, 20th of December 944)

Unfortunately for Romanus I, he did not keep the provisions of his revised will secret and his sons, Stephen and Constantine, became aware of them. They were greatly angered because they worried what the future implications might be.

Romanus I’s sons were especially worried about what Constantine VII Porphyrogentius might do to them when he eventually became senior Emperor, which did not appear to be far off, given their father’s seriously ailing health. They feared being exiled, castrated, blinded, otherwise mutilated or even murdered to eradicate them as potential rivals for power, as had happened in the past in similar circumstances and perhaps also now as vengeance for what the Lecapenus clan had inflicted on him.

The worries of Romanus I’s sons were actually irrational, given Constantine VII Porphyrogentius’ mild and kindly character. In fact, their fears stemmed from what they would probably do to him if the succession was reversed.

Nevertheless, Romanus I’s two nefarious sons decided to act positively in order to prevent Constantine VII Porphyrogentius from succeeding their father. Five days before Christmas in 944 CE, they launched their own coup.

Romanus I’s two treacherous sons and some supporters managed to remove their unresisting father from his sick bed and carry him to a small boat awaiting them in the little private harbour of the Imperial palace, the Bucoleon. They were helped in doing so by bribing the duty guards to remain passive whilst their plot unfolded.

Romanus’ treacherous sons subsequently used the small boat to transport their father to a monastery on Proti in the Propontis [modern Kinali in the Sea of Marmara, Turkey]. This islet was nearest of the Princes’ Islands to Constantinople.

The Princes’ Islands were actually so named because of the number of important eponymous Byzantines who had been detained there at one time or other over the centuries. One example had, of course, been Constantine VII Porphyrogentius’ father, Leo VI, as described in ‘Byzantines ά : Sophōtatos’ by this author.

Romanus I was now compulsorily tonsured, namely forced to become a monk, by his sons in the monastery on Proti, which disqualified him from being Emperor and which, given his state of mind, he was probably quite content to do. Stephen and Constantine and their supporters next returned rapidly to Constantinople.

Romanus’ sons were now intent on completing the second part of their coup, namely the permanent eradication as a threat of Constantine VII Porphyrogentius.

Chapter B.μ – The Arrest

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, later same day)

Romanus’ sons and their supporters returned quickly to the Imperial palace via the Bucoleon and infiltrated, with the help of the continued bribed passivity of the duty guards, as far as the quarters of Constantine VII Porphyrogentius, whom they immediately tried to arrest. There was no opposition to their attempt, apart from their co-Emperor and his wife and their sister, Helena. The very aged eunuch also present, standing by a window, was far too frail to offer any physical resistance.

Consequently, the resultant struggle to arrest the outnumbered Constantine VII Porphyrogentius and Helena was rapidly over and the pair was soon at the mercy of Romanus’ scheming and treacherous sons.

Chapter B.ν – The Mob

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, shortly afterwards)

The very aged eunuch present, standing by a window, was the only person to retain his composure during the recent struggle, in which Constantine VII Porphyrogentius’ hair and attire had become dishevelled. In fact, he now exhibited a rather incongruous grin, which irritated Stephen in particular.

“What are you grinning at, eunuch,” Stephen therefore asked in annoyance, “for we’ve just arrested your master and his wife?” In response, the now 86 year-old Kocel glanced out of the window and suggested “I don’t believe, though, that you’ll keep them in your custody for long, Sire!”

Romanus’ sons then finally heard the tumultuous noises from outside the palace, which they had not noticed before because of the recent struggle, and so went to look through the window by which Kocel was standing. When they finally did glance outside, they were shocked to discover that a huge and clearly furious crowd of citizens had gathered outside the landward gates of the Imperial palace.

Romanus’ sons also now managed to perceive what the loud sounds entailed, for there were many shouts from the mob demanding to see Constantine VII Porphyrogentius.

Chapter B.ξ – The Grin

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, shortly afterwards)

Romanus’ sons might have been unsavoury characters but they were not entirely stupid. They were immediately able to confirm, from the outside mob’s attitude, how popular and even loved Constantine VII Porphyrogentius must be with the citizens of Constantinople at least and their assessment was completely correct.

Constantine VII was indeed beloved by the citizens, despite the low profile that he had for so many years maintained. Regardless of the implications of the Tomus Unionis, he was to them the proper legitimate Emperor, who fully justified his epithet of Porphyrogentius, ‘born in the purple’.

Constantine VII was, after all, the son of the revered Leo VI, the Most Wise, whose kindly scholastic sagacity he appeared to have inherited, and supposed grandson of the great Basil I. Romanus I had been tolerated because he had come to power at a time of weakness and danger in the Empire and had subsequently proved to be a capable Emperor. However, his sons were well known to be unworthy.

Consequently, the citizens of Constantinople were now demonstrating their utter unwillingness for the family of usurpers to continue in power after the deposition of Romanus I by denying Constantine VII Porphyrogentius his right to succeed to the ‘purple’. Moreover, the Lecapeni brothers now fully appreciated this situation by the sheer size and mood of the demonstration outside the Imperial palace. They also realised that they would probably be torn to pieces by the crowd if any harm now befell their rival. They knew that they could not rely on the bribed duty guard to help them in such circumstances because, given the vast numbers comprising the mob and their clear angered temper, which could easily convert into violence, they would be much more likely to change allegiances.

Romanus’ sons did wonder, however, how news of their coup had spread so swiftly and, in respect of their cause, so devastatingly but they then suddenly realised what actually lay behind the broad satisfied grin on Kocel’s aged face.

Chapter B.ο – The Window

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, shortly afterwards)

Stephen was still holding, like his brother and their supporters, an unsheathed sword, which they had used to attempt to intimidate Constantine VII Porphyrogentius and Helena into quick submission to their arrest. He now looked again at the still grinning Kocel and announced in fury, whilst raising his weapon towards the aged servant’s throat, “I should kill you, eunuch, for what you’ve done!”

Kocel had, through his own allies and those of Constantine VII Porphyrogentius in the Imperial household, become aware of what Romanus’ sons had perpetrated on their father. However, the eunuch had subsequently discovered that, with the conspirators’ bribed guards on duty, he was unable to relocate to safety his now also clearly endangered master and mistress.

The guards had forcefully insisted that Constantine VII Porphyrogentius and his wife remained in their own quarters, supposedly for their own safety and under the soldiers’ protection. Even direct commands from the co-Emperor failed to budge them from their stance, as they claimed that they were acting on behalf of the more senior Romanus I, clearly falsely but no argument could change their resolute attitude.

Kocel therefore thought correctly that the bribes that the duty guards had been promised must have been very substantial indeed. Nevertheless, he was prepared to offer more until Constantine VII Porphyrogentius vetoed his plan.

Ever honest and honourable, Constantine VII Porphyrogentius advised that he refused to stoop to the immoral level of Romanus’ sons, particularly in respect of treacherous guards, who deserved punishment not reward. Despite the desperate circumstances, Kocel accepted his ruling, being aware that, when the issue was one of morality, neither he nor Helena would be unable to dissuade even such a mild man as the co-Emperor otherwise, even in his currently seriously endangered circumstances.

Kocel therefore quickly embarked on another plan, which benefited from the fact that, unlike Constantine VII Porphyrogentius and Helena, he was not confined by the duty guards to the co-Emperor’s quarters. He immediately sought out many of his friends amongst the Imperial household, most of whom were in relatively minor posts, with many also eunuchs.

The relatively humble positions occupied by most of these friends actually proved beneficial to Kocel’s cause, because they could more unobtrusively mingle with the ordinary citizenry of Constantinople, which he now sent them out of the Imperial palace to do. The astute eunuch was far more in touch with public feeling than Romanus’ sons and fully appreciated how popular was Constantine VII Porphyrogentius as opposed to the Lecapeni brothers.

Consequently, Kocel sent out his friends to spread word that Romanus’ sons were launching a coup against their father and Constantine VII Porphyrogentius in order to seize power for themselves. The eunuch hoped that the news would result in quick public revulsion and protest and possibly even revolt.

Kocel, as could be ascertained from the current vociferous demonstration by the huge angered mob outside the Imperial palace, was not to be disappointed in his aim. However, the eunuch now faced the fury of Romanus’ sons for having sabotaged their coup.

Kocel faced Stephen’s sword, now pointing at his throat, with defiant bravery clearly evident in his rheumy blue eyes and posture and whilst smothering the beginning of alarmed protests from Constantine VII Porphyrogentius and Helena by a simple quietening gesture of his hand. “I don’t believe that you’ll kill me, Sire,” the eunuch also even confidently suggested.

“Why not?” asked Stephen, who was becoming even more furious because of Kocel’s brave defiance. “Because,” the aged eunuch answered, “I believe that God has, by granting the prayers of over thirty years ago of a dying Abbot, allowed me to live so long so that I can see one particular day, which has not yet arrived!”

Stephen was completely fazed by this reply. He not only did not understand what Kocel meant but also was unnerved by the mention of God, prayers and an Abbot, which invoked Christian issues. He might have been nowhere near as devout as his father but, as many other people of the era had, at a time when life-spans were much shorter than today, he possessed some concerns for the welfare of his own soul.

“Kill the bastard!” Stephen now heard his brother Constantine suggest, and he did indeed seriously consider thrusting the point of his sword through the throat of the annoyingly still grinning and unblinking Kocel. However, another raucous angered shout from the mob outside, demanding to see Constantine VII Porphyrogentius, stayed his hand.

Stephen instead blinked first and rapidly decided that perhaps, given the outside mob’s emotions, the spilling of bloodshed on this day, even that of a mere eunuch, might be seriously unwise. Kocel’s words had also somehow invoked religious fears in him.

Consequently, Stephen concluded that killing Kocel now might be a mistake, although he hoped to gain revenge later. He therefore lowered his sword and, turning, told his disappointed younger brother “The eunuch’s not worth the bother. We must instead concentrate on somehow placating the mob outside!”

“I have a suggestion how that might be achieved, Sire,” Kocel then intervened to advise. The doubting Stephen turned back to the eunuch and asked, with his scepticism evident, “And how precisely do you propose to do that?”

“I’ll tell you if you immediately release my master and mistress from custody and agree to resume sharing power with him, with him confirmed as the senior Emperor,” Kocel answered. “Kill the bastard!” Stephen’s wilder younger brother, Constantine, again exclaimed in fury at, to him, the eunuch’s impertinence.

Stephen, though, was more sensible, knowing now that some compromise between the factions had to be reached if he and his brother were to survive the anger of the outside mob. Without reference to his sibling and quashing his subsequent protests, he therefore replied to Kocel’s offer “Agreed!”

Kocel immediately conveyed his suggestion that Constantine VII Porphyrogentius should appear at the window to his quarters and show himself and wave to the massive crowds outside in order to prove that he was alive and well. Stephen instantly perceived the wisdom of the recommendation.

As a result, Constantine VII Porphyrogentius was released and allowed to show himself to his subjects at the opened window. He did so despite his hair and garments still being rather dishevelled.

On finally seeing at the window Constantine VII Porphyrogentius alive and well as they had demanded, the noise from the mob instantly changed from loud ultimatums to vociferous cheers, underling to everyone present, including his co-Emperors, his immense popularity.

Chapter B.π – The Truce

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, over 1 month later, late January 945)

An uneasy truce subsequently prevailed in the Imperial palace between the two rival factions, with each, though, attempting to appoint supporters to key state positions. The only point of agreement between them was to allow the increasingly incapable and religiously fixated Romanus I to remain in his monastery on Proti.

Important members of each faction, however, realised that the situation was untenable in the longer term. Unfortunately, such realism did not extend to Constantine VII Porphyrogentius, whose normal wisdom was on this occasion over-ruled by his gentle compassion. He preferred continued compromise, which was impractical in the circumstances, especially given that the Lecapeni brothers still had ambitions to eliminate their rival.

In fact, Romanus’ sons were actually soon planning to kill Constantine VII Porphyrogentius and so present the people with a fait accompli, as the Lecapeni brothers believed that they would then have to be accepted by the populace as sole Emperors, given the lack of alternatives.

Chapter B.π – The Counter-Coup

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, a few days later, 27th of January 945)

Fortunately for Constantine VII Porphyrogentius, some of Kocel’s friends in the Imperial household became aware of the Lecapeni brothers’ murderous plot and informed the eunuch. However, he did not pass on the information on his own to his master.

Kocel appreciated that, despite his almost forty years of loyal and devoted service for Constantine Porphyrogentius since his birth, persuading him alone to go against his gentle nature and act firmly and decisively against his co-Emperors would be difficult, despite their plotting to assassinate him. The eunuch therefore enlisted the assistance of Helena to perform what he hoped would be the culmination of a pact agreed almost twenty years previously.

Helena had now been the wife of Constantine VII Porphyrogentius for almost a quarter of a century. The marriage, originally one of dynastic convenience when the pair had been children, had later become a true love-match and she had become as loyal and devoted to her husband as Kocel had been.

Helena had always taken Constantine VII Porphyrogentius’ side against her own family, especially her nefarious brothers. She now had no intention of allowing her husband to be murdered by them.

Helena was also a much stronger personality than Constantine VII Porphyrogentius and so, with Kocel’s invaluable assistance, she eventually managed to persuade her husband to use his power as senior Emperor to order the arrest of her treacherously still scheming brothers. The deed was finally carried out on the 27th of January 945 CE.

Not long afterwards, the Lecapeni brothers found themselves, with characteristic mercy on the part of Constantine VII Porphyrogentius, compulsory tonsured and exiled with their unsympathetic father on the islet of Proti.

Chapter B.π – The Nightmare

(Proti, Princes’ Islands, Propontis [modern Kinali in the Sea of Marmara, Turkey], Byzantine Empire, about a year later, early 946)

Unsurprisingly, for the continued security of the new sole Byzantine Emperor, the Lecapeni brothers were not allowed to stay together with their father for long on Proti, which was so close to Constantinople. At the behest of their sister, Helena, the siblings were soon split up and sent to even more distant exile, in steps that eventually led them both to Aegean islands, Stephen to Lesbos and Constantine to Samothrace.

Stephen was to live in exile for over twenty years until his death. However, his younger brother, Constantine, was not so accepting of such a fate.

Constantine’s fate was actually dreamt about by his father on Proti, where the former Emperor still resided as a monk, constantly during his waking hours praying for salvation and performing penances for having usurped the Byzantine throne. Romanus’ sleep was also frequently disturbed by dreadful nightmares.

In one nightmare, the former Emperor dreamt about himself, along with his son, Constantine, and a bishop who had supported his usurpation, being unwillingly dragged into hell. However, at the last instant, the Virgin Mary appeared to rescue Romanus but, for the other two, there was no salvation and they were driven without mercy along the road to perdition.

Several days afterwards, Romanus was told that both Constantine and the bishop had coincidentally both died on the same night that he had suffered the terrible nightmare involving them. His son had attempted to escape from his distant exile on Samothrace, killing a gaoler in the process, only then to be slaughtered by other guards.

The devout Romanus was rather naturally utterly devastated at the news and the apparent fulfilment of his appalling nightmare.

Chapter B.ρ – The Penance

(Proti, Princes’ Islands, Propontis [modern Kinali in the Sea of Marmara, Turkey], Byzantine Empire, a couple of months later, Easter 946)

Romanus was now really desperate to use whatever time he had left in this world to save his own soul. He consequently decided to seek permission to perform public penance, which was granted.

On the Thursday before Easter, 946 CE, a few hundred monks, assembled in the monastery on Proti from all over the Byzantine Empire. They chanted the ‘Kyrie Eleison’, a repetitive prayer used in Christian ritual, whilst Romanus read out, from a personally hand-written book, his sins and begged for forgiveness for each of them.

“Lord have mercy, Christ have mercy, Lord have mercy,” continued to be chanted repetitively when later Romanus was whipped before the monastery’s high altar by a neophyte novice before finally returning alone to his plain and tiny monk’s cell. He deliberately left behind his personally hand-written book.

The book was subsequently sent to a particularly revered pious monk, Dermocaetes, who lived in the monastery in Bithynia [modern north-west Anatolia, Turkey] located on Mount Olympus, which is not to be confused with the more famous Greek peak of the same name. A monetary donation was sent with the record of sins, with the request that the local monastic order fast and pray for two weeks for Romanus’ salvation.

After duly meeting Romanus’ request, Dermocaetes, on hearing God’s voice confirming that the prayers had succeeded, returned the book to Proti, with the pages now miraculously blank.

Chapter B.ς – The Interment

(Monastery of the Myrelaeum, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, over two years later, June 948)

Romanus finally died in his late 70s in the monastery on Proti over two years later on the 15th of June 948 CE. The blank book of expurgated sins was found afterwards under the bedclothes in his firm grasp.

The characteristically forgiving Constantine VII Porphyrogentius subsequently allowed the body of the former Emperor to be returned respectfully and with due ceremonial to Constantinople for burial alongside that of his wife, Theodora, who had predeceased him by a quarter of a century. Romanus had interred her in the monastery of the Myrelaeum in the capital city.

Romanus was now also interred besides his Empress in the monastery of the Myrelaeum, with the blank book of expurgated sins still in his firm grasp.

Chapter B.σ – The Bereavement

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, 2½ years previously, 28th of January 945)

Someone else, of importance to this story but who needed no book of expurgated sins in his grasp, had also predeceased Romanus. Unprecedentedly, the new sole Emperor of the Byzantines and his Empress had actually visited the clearly dying man’s own humble quarters in order to be at his bedside to say their goodbyes.

“Do not mourn for me, Majesties,” the dying Kocel had requested of his beloved and currently extremely upset and tearful Constantine VII Porphyrogentius and Helena, “for Abbot Eudocius’ prayers have been met. I have lived long enough finally to see the day when the equally great son of Leo the Wise has acceded in his own right to the throne of Byzantium!”

Kocel had taken ill on the previous day, as soon as the Lecapeni brothers had been arrested and despatched to Proti. The Imperial physicians soon diagnosed the sickness to be terminal to the immense distress of the new sole Emperor and Empress.

“But I haven’t yet proved myself to be as great as my father,” protested Constantine VII Porphyrogentius. However, Kocel, despite clearly being on his deathbed, just somehow managed a smile and declared with confidence “You will, Majesty!”

Kocel subsequently drifted into and out of consciousness. During this period, he briefly recalled key aspects of his long life.

Kocel recalled his early boyhood on the banks of the wide blue River Danube. Despite a time gap now of almost eighty years, he could still vividly remember his dear father and mother and his own young siblings and friends there.

Less happily, Kocel next recalled his capture by fierce Magyars and the subsequent long journeying criss-crossing Europe, which ended with his nullification in Verdun to convert him into a carzimasia eunuch. He also remembered his unpleasant time in al-Andalus [modern Spain].

Kocel then recalled further long journeying, initially by sea to Greece and then overland to the city that was to become his home for the rest of his life, Constantinople. He now went on to remember some of his long service in the Byzantine court for various Imperial masters and mistresses until a certain boy was born.

Kocel finally recalled his forty years of struggle to ensure that this boy not only became a man but also a great Emperor in his own right, with the latter achievement finally being attained on the previous day. He consequently realised that his long life’s main work was at last at an end, and so too would therefore be his life.

Kocel, though, thanked God for allowing him to survive to see this next day, which would be the first full one of Constantine VII Porphyrogentius’ reign as sole Emperor with full powers. Eudocius’ prayers of over thirty years earlier had finally been granted.

As this happy realisation crossed his mind, Kocel again drifted into consciousness and he opened his rheumy blue eyes. After doing so, he immediately saw his beloved master leaning over him, having sat on the bedside, and felt the Emperor’s now strong hand caressing his aged and crinkled brow.

In normal circumstances, Kocel would have diplomatically reprimanded Constantine for doing something relatively publicly, for the eunuch’s modest quarters were currently crowded, that was beneath the dignity of an Emperor. However, on this occasion, his fevered mind instead just briefly wondered whether the suffering that he had endured in being taken from his family and homeland as a boy and subsequently becoming and living as a carzimasia eunuch had been worthwhile.

Kocel’s rheumy blue eyes then focused more carefully on Constantine VII Porphyrogentius. Instead of the frail, sickly, pale boy that he had once been, the eunuch now saw a tall and broad-shouldered man, with a healthy ruddy complexion, abundant dark beard and sparkling light blue eyes.

Kocel also saw a clearly concerned Helena at Constantine’s side. The sight somehow confirmed to the eunuch’ immense satisfaction that, as he had once long ago surmised, the two would indeed complement each other to make a formidable pair now that they had attained power.

Whilst staring at Constantine and Helena, Kocel again briefly considered whether being taken from his family and homeland as a boy and subsequently becoming and living as a carzimasia eunuch had been worthwhile. He now quickly reached his answer.

“Yes,” Kocel announced to no one in particular other than perhaps himself, and with remarkable loudness for a dying man, “it was worthwhile!” The eunuch’s words, spoken whilst still staring at Constantine and Helena with clear pride, immediately confused everyone present, not least the Emperor and Empress, who were unable to understand what was meant. However, they were also sadly subsequently unable to gain clarification.

These words were instead the last Kocel ever spoke because, whilst displaying a superficially seemingly incongruous expression of pure contentment, he then closed his rheumy blue eyes and never again reopened them.

Chapter B.τ – The Funeral

(Monastery of St. Lazaros, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, a few days later)

Constantinople had never witnessed a funeral like this one. Full Imperial ceremonial was afforded to the event, including the presence of the new sole Emperor and Empress, and all for a court eunuch who had never held any important state position.

Some of the more snooty aristocracy and middle-class were outraged. However, most of Constantinople’s populace, with whom Constantine VII Porphyrogentius remained extremely popular, just considered that the event was simply an example, albeit a somewhat eccentric one, of the new sole Emperor’s kindliness towards his most loyal and longstanding servants. Their affection for their ruler was therefore actually enhanced.

Kocel was himself interred, at his own request and with a certain undoubted happy significance for both of them, besides the body of Abbot Eudocius in the monastery of St. Lazaros. After all, they were both eunuchs who had ensured that their respective beloved Emperors survived to become great rulers, as Constantine VII Porphyrogentius certainly did.

Kocel could now rest forever alongside Eudocius in the happy knowledge that both of their missions in life had been accomplished.

Chapter B.υ – The Gifts

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, almost 15 years later, 9th of November 959)

‘I doubt whether any other family has ever been so much favoured by God as [that of the Macedonians] has been, which is strange when one considers the criminal manner of its coming to power and how it was born of murder and bloodshed. And yet the plant took root, and sent out such mighty shoots, each bearing Imperial fruit, that no other can be compared with it for beauty and splendour.’

So wrote, as indicated at the beginning of this story and as previously quoted by this author in ‘Byzantines ά : Sophōtatos’, Michael Psellus, an 11th century Byzantine scholastic chronicler, in his ‘Chronograhia’. He was, of course, referring to three Emperors of the so-called ‘Macedonian’ dynasty, namely Basil I, who had usurped power through murder but had nevertheless subsequently proved to be a great ruler, Leo VI and Constantine VII.

Amongst the gifts that Constantine VII Porphyrogentius was to leave for posterity, as well as his wise stewardship of the Byzantine Empire, were some impressive scholarly works. Given his early hobby in studying court ceremonial to avoid boredom, he eventually wrote ‘De Ceremoniis Aulae Byzantinae’, which is still extant and is essentially a lengthy encyclopaedia on the subject.

Constantine VII Porphyrogentius also, in order to celebrate the fourteenth birthday in 952 CE of his surviving son, Romanus, began writing what is today known as ‘De Administrando Imperio’. This long book was essentially a tome on the art of successful government, which he hoped would help his heir through his own reign.

Both books provide modern historians with a rare and therefore invaluable insight into the Byzantine Empire of the period. These gifts to posterity also help to verify Constantine VII Porphyrogentius’ standing as an Emperor of considerable scholarship and merit.

In the event, Romanus II’s reign, and presumed practical use of the ‘De Administrando Imperio’, was to start on the 9th of November 959 CE, when his father, surrounded by his loving wife, son and five daughters, died in his bed of fever.

Chapter B.φ – The Visit

(Imperial palace, Constantinople, Byzantine Empire, over 10 years previously, late September, 949)

‘….nine excellent cuirasses, seven excellent shields with gilded bosses, two silver-gilt cups, some swords, spears and spits and, more appreciated by the Emperor than anything else, four carzimasia, that being the Greek name for young eunuchs who have been deprived not only of their testicles but of their penises as well, an operation performed by merchants at Verdun, who export them to Spain at huge profit to themselves.’

So wrote, as described by this author in chapter ξ of ‘Byzantines β : Carzimasia’, Liudprand, Bishop of Cremona [Italy] and emissary to Constantinople of Berengar, Marquis of Ivrea. He was describing the gifts that he had taken for the Byzantine Emperor in 949 CE, 78 years after Kocel’s arrival in the city.

The Emperor with whom Liudprand had his audience was, of course, Constantine VII Porphyrogentius. The Bishop was apparently asserting in his journal some perverse motive to the Byzantine ruler’s seeming liking for carzimasia eunuchs but he could not have been further from the truth.

The current great Byzantine Emperor, who was truly proving himself to be as worthy a ruler as his father, Leo VI, and founder of his dynasty, Basil I, possessed no perverse inclinations towards carzimasia eunuchs at all. His excitement at being gifted some instead arose for another reason entirely.

Constantine VII Porphyrogentius was instead desperately seeking a replacement for his own beloved carzimasia eunuch, who could act as a protective mentor for his son, Romanus, just as worthily and successfully, and as lovingly, as Kocel had once done for him.

THE END

of

BYZANTINES γ : PORPHYROGENTIUS

by Pueros

(In the titles of the two parts of this story, πιπτω means, in ancient Greek, ‘Fall’ & άνισταμαι means ‘Rise’)