Death On The Nile (4 of 4 [Conclusion])

DEATH ON THE NILE

By Pueros

Part 4 – Egypt & Immortality

(Part 4a – Egypt)

‘In years to come, I ask be kind

As you read these little poems of mine.

You should know that, though I wrote them,

The complaints of love were not all my own,

But were for that one or another

Who loved both boys and men.

I tried to scribble with a truthful pen,

For the gods came this gift of art

To sound the depths of a lover’s heart.’

- Strato (2nd century Greek poet)

(Banks of the River Nile, Arab Republic of Egypt, July 2002 AD [Iul. MMDCCLV A.V.C.])

The archaeologist was supervising the further careful excavation of the ancient riverside city, the sparse remains of much of which was still obscured by covering sand. The Briton was particularly keen to find anything that could be linked to the person after whom the metropolis had been named, although he tackled his task with pessimism.

An assistant approached, holding a shiny object in his hand. “What do you think of this?” the Egyptian asked, whilst proffering the item, gleaming in the hot unrelenting overhead sun, to his boss.

The archaeologist accepted the gold-coloured article and carefully scrutinised it before enquiring “Where did you find it?” “At the site of the main temple,” the assistant answered.

“Well,” the Briton announced, “the medallion looks Roman, from about the 2nd century. The tiny charm depicts Eros. However, it’s of base metal and has probably only survived the centuries because of the hot dry climate. It’s too cheap to have belonged to the person after whom the city was named and to whom the temple was solely dedicated.”

As a result of this assessment, incorrect in the latter part, the ancient medallion concerned was catalogued but not subsequently displayed in Cairo’s main museum. It’s supposed unimportance instead found it stored in an obscure part of the museum vaults.

(Provincial Governor’s Palace, Athens, Roman Province of Achaea, Greece, 1874 years previously, summer DCCCLXXXXI A.V.C. [128 AD])

Antinous’ unparalleled form had been re-adorned, with Hadrian’s permission, by the cheap, in everything except sentimental value, medallion, made from base metal and including a charm depicting Eros, which Mastor had presented to him four years previously. This jewellery currently represented his only body ornamentation, not that his gorgeous frame needed any decoration, as the most beautiful boy in the world clambered back from his precarious perch atop the roof of the gubernatorial palace.

Antinous’ return journey from the precipitous pinnacle of the tall palatial building was even more hazardous than the original climb because gravity constantly tried to speed the process, especially after the feet of the naked boy lost their grip several times on the steep sides of the dome and roof. However, for the petrified trio of watchers, comprising Hadrian and the nude Alexamenos and Corinthus, the most anxious time occurred when the young Bithynian attempted to regain the window from which he had earlier emerged to embark on his perilous escapade.

Antinous’ highly risky manoeuvre involved dangling from the roof, which he gripped with his hands, sweaty in the hot sunlight, and swinging his sublime naked form so that, after eventually letting go, his momentum allowed him literally to fly through the open window. As the boy did so, he shouted out “Hadrianus, venio; ego te amo!” [Hadrian, I am coming; I love you!]. However, the Emperor did not observe the immediate aftermath of such acrobatics, as he had fainted. Fortunately, the alert arms of Alexamenos and Corinthus had cushioned the resultant Imperial fall, before then gently laying the unconscious Princeps onto the paved ground.

When Hadrian eventually regained consciousness, he found himself looking up into the young Bithynian’s peerlessly sensuous blue eyes, whilst the boy cradled his Imperial master’s head in his lithe bare arms. The Emperor’s initial reawakened thoughts concerned severe censorious admonishment of the gorgeous 15 year-old for embarking on his recent extremely dangerous adventure. However, other emotions then overwhelmed the Princeps’ mind as he continued to stare at the disarmingly smiling unmatched beauty now just above him and all he could finally say, in a whisper, was “Antinous, ego te amo!”

(Provincial Governor’s Palace, Athens, Roman Province of Achaea, Greece, next day)

Antinous was asked by another attendant page to pass on a scrolled message, recently delivered from Rome for the attention of Hadrian, who was currently engaged in conversation with a Greek in his mid-twenties in the resplendent gardens of the gubernatorial palace.

Hadrian introduced his guest, who was accompanied by a very pretty, 13 year-old, dark-eyed slaveboy, to the young Bithynian by announcing “Antinous, this is Strato of Sardis. I’ve just appointed him as a court poet, as many of his verses please me enormously.”

Antinous was not surprised at the development, as Strato was well known for both his own writing and compiling anthologies of other poets’ works, such as that of Meleager, with the main theme of the verses being the love of men for boys. Fragments of one of these compilations, entitled ‘The Boyish Muse’, or ‘Paidike Mousa’ in Greek, has survived into modern times. Given his particular sexual tastes, Hadrian naturally greatly appreciated such written artistry.

Strato, on his part, now copied Hadrian, when the Emperor had first seen Antinous. The poet became light-headed whilst he viewed the arriving boy’s wonderful form, presently covered by a short, sleeveless summer tunic, which nevertheless barely disguised the 15 year-old’s inherent unparalleled underlying beauty. The Princeps noticed his guest’s reaction, grinned mischievously and called for another page to bring the young Greek writer a goblet of water to aid recovery.

Strato had heard that Antinous was supposed to be the most beautiful boy in the world but had originally dismissed such portrayal as fawning flattery, designed to please Hadrian. However, having now seen the evidence for himself, the poet no longer maintained such a notion. It instead became the turn of other unenlightened souls to believe that the descriptions of the young Bithynian were obsequious exaggerations, although, whenever such sceptics inspected the proof, in the real-life shape of the dazzling subject of such comments, they too invariably radically changed their opinions.

Strato’s sudden appreciation of the unmatched delights of the blue-eyed Antinous was despite the fact that the poet had once declared, in verse, his preference for boys displaying dark ocular colours, such as his present 13 year-old slave. The epigrammatist had previously written:-

“Pale skins I like, but honey-coloured more,

And blond and brunette boys I both adore.

I never blackball brown eyes but, above

All, eyes of scintillating black I love!”

The amused Hadrian quickly appreciated, from Strato’s sudden inability, in Antinous’ close proximity, to continue to indulge in rational conversation with the Emperor, that the goblet of water was insufficient to cure the poet’s discomfort. The smirking Princeps therefore politely and considerately terminated his audience with the young Greek in order to facilitate the recovery of the epigrammatist.

Strato, shock and embarrassment evident on his blushing face, rushed from the garden scene with as much dignity as he could muster. However, the poet later managed to recover at least partially by gratifying his intense aroused lusts by virtue of inviting his pretty slaveboy to his bed.

After several hours, the 13 year-old catamite emerged from his master’s bedroom with his own face bright red. This scarlet visage was a consequence of the strenuous efforts the boy had been forced to make to satisfy Strato’s reawakened passions, which the youngster had never previously known to be so acute or long-lasting.

A later result of Strato’s conversion, to the belief that Antinous was the most beautiful boy in the world, was an anthology of over fifty verses, all devoted to the impeccable young Bithynian, and not just as a result of sycophancy towards the 15 year-old’s Imperial lover. Quotations from some of these verses can still be seen to this day, as inscriptions beneath a few of the many statues of the divine subject left behind for posterity to admire.

After Strato’s departure from the gubernatorial garden, Hadrian and Antinous, who had also perceptively recognised the poet’s discomfort and the reason behind the unease, having been the innocent cause of similar afflictions on many other occasions, looked at each other before bursting into laughter. After subsequently eventually managing to recover from this outburst, and as was now common, the Emperor requested the boy to open and read the document he had brought. The smiling 15 year-old then announced with clear delight, as a result of initially inspecting the immature but nevertheless readable handwriting, which comprised the script in the rolled papyrus, “It’s from Verissimus!”

Hadrian’s face then began to exhibit another broad grin, whilst he commented “I suppose the boy wants once more to proffer his wise advice as to how I should rule the Empire!”

(Imperial Palace, Palatine Hill, Rome, ¾ year previously, autumn 127 AD)

Hadrian had felt obliged to return to Rome from his summer idyll at Tibur in order to conduct Imperial business, especially that relating to the Senate, many of whose members hated the Emperor. Not only had the Princeps largely ignored the patrician legislature, whilst mainly governing via his own Privy Council, but also he had executed some of their number early in his reign for allegedly planning revolt and had handed over some of their judiciary powers to magistrates.

Hadrian had been encouraged to make an effort to re-establish at least some rapport with disaffected Senators by Antinous, who, despite his tender years, was now confident and capable enough to offer his Imperial master and lover regular sage advice. Some of this actually emanated from court counsellors, who had been unsuccessful in influencing the Emperor to embark upon action they believed was needed. However, some of these advisers had been astute enough to appreciate who might deliver their arguments more effectively, given his sparkling blue eyes, impeccably comely form and eloquent persuasiveness.

Antinous realised that the counsellors were using him, in his status of Imperial favourite, but he did not mind as long as he was being used in a good cause. The boy judged each approach on merit and only accepted those commissions that he considered worthy.

As was now usual, Antinous had been discreetly present during Hadrian’s audiences with Roman worthies, this time being held in the Imperial Palace on Rome’s Palatine Hill. A number of the most important Senators were granted meetings with the Emperor, albeit usually in small groups, to discuss problems and policies. One of the men attending was a near namesake of the soon-to-be 15 year-old Bithynian. His full name was Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Antoninus, and he had recently celebrated his 41st birthday.

When, in bed later, Hadrian asked Antinous whom the boy thought was the best of the Senators seen, the 14 year-old answered, with his disarming smile and great perceptiveness, “Antoninus, and not just because I like the familiarity of his name!” The Emperor grinned at the latter jest before enquiring “Why him in particular?”

“Because,” Antinous replied, “unlike most of the others, he was not obsequious. He was also unafraid to offer, albeit with great delicacy, his opinions as to what was currently wrong with Rome, as well as some possible solutions, all of which seemed sound to me. I additionally noticed that he was not put off by his fawning companions, who were clearly unhappy with his relative outspokenness, as well as some of his suggested policies. In my view, he’s the type of diplomatically honest, bravely honourable and unselfishly capable man to whom you could safely depute the running of the Empire whilst you enjoy your travels!”

“An older Verissimus you mean!” Hadrian declared, causing both Antinous and him to erupt in copious laughter. Their shared joke concerned a pretty 6 year-old boy, by the name of Marcus Annius Verus, who had been brought to court that day by his similarly named grandfather. The youngster’s father, also of the same appellation, had died three years previously.

The boy’s family was of distinguished Hispanian origin, thereby sharing the familial geographical roots of both Hadrian and Trajan. This mutual background had contributed significantly to his grandfather’s strong support for both Emperors, who in turn had rewarded their compatriot with significant honours.

Marcus Annius Verus’ grandfather had been appointed to a third Consulate in the previous year, which was a rare distinction in the entire history of the Principate. The man also served Hadrian as Prefect of Rome.

Whilst Marcus Annius Verus’ grandfather spoke alone with Hadrian, Antinous entertained the grandson with polite chat. As a result, after the Emperor and his close ally had finished their conversation and the Princeps was about to invite, via his chamberlain, other Senators into his palatial audience chamber, the young Bithynian broke his habit of maintaining a discreet presence on such occasions. The 14 year-old instead suggested, whilst his engaging smile now hinted at a little mischief, “I think that you should hear this young noble’s views first!” He then pushed his 6 year-old companion in front of the most powerful man in the world.

Marcus Annius Verus’ face immediately turned bright red. However, the visage concerned was not that of the 6 year-old but of his eponymous and appalled grandfather, who desperately spluttered to Hadrian “I don’t think the boy has anything to say, Sire.” Unfortunately for the former Consul, he was too late. The Emperor had already become too intrigued by his young lover’s suggestion and the obvious inherent innocent amusement intended, as well as by the previously unrecognised prettiness of the recommended infant orator.

“Well,” the most powerful man in the world asked of the 6 year-old version of Marcus Annius Verus, “what do you have to say, boy?” The young recipient of the question did not flinch but instead embarked on a remarkably eloquent and accurate, given his tender years, blunt description of faults within the Empire, along with recommended remedies. Only Antinous was not surprised at the oratory, having discovered the youngster’s gifts during his earlier chat with the infant.

Marcus Annius Verus’ grandfather, fearful for the safety of himself and his grandson, as a result of the latter’s uncensored candidness, tried to interrupt on several occasions to put an end to the dangerous proceedings. However, Hadrian, currently displaying a straight-faced appearance, the inscrutability of which hid, to everyone except Antinous, his true emotions at hearing the boyish address, overruled such actions to insist instead that the 6 year-old concluded his arguments.

The elder Marcus Annius Verus, at times close to nervous apoplexy during the juvenile, in age not content, monologue, was only to relax after his grandson had finished and Hadrian’s reaction had been fully secured, although what form this was to take was not immediately apparent. The Emperor had initially erupted into loud chortling before eventually remembering his manners.

Hadrian did not want to embarrass young Marcus Annius Verus, who might incorrectly surmise, from the Imperial laughter, that the Emperor had found the oratory childishly funny rather than maturely perspicacious. The most powerful man in the world instead now calmed and declared, with clear genuineness and to accompanying intense grandfatherly relief, “That’s the best advice I’ve had all day!”

The smiling Hadrian went on to ask the elder Marcus Annius Verus “Can I recruit your grandson to my Privy Council?” The grandfather, recognising the Imperial jest and rapidly recovering from his recent trauma, managed to match the good humour by replying “Sorry, Sire, he’s already occupying an important position, as my own personal sage!” “Well,” the Princeps retorted, “perhaps I’ll just wait a few years until he’s old enough to make his own decisions. I’ll then enlist him to the service of the Empire by making him an offer he can’t refuse!”

No one on the day took Hadrian’s joking comments seriously, let alone the Emperor himself or the boy concerned. However, as events subsequently turned out, an offer relating to an important Imperial position did eventually materialise, one that would have profound consequences for the future of Rome.

At the end of the day, whilst Hadrian and Antinous engaged in pillow talk and they recalled young Marcus Annius Verus, the young Bithynian jokingly referred to the youngster as ‘Verissimus’, meaning ‘very truthful’. The Emperor, who subsequently liked to meet or correspond with the very open and pleasant boy on a regular basis, thereafter always affectionately called him by this nickname, which was a pun, based on the youngster’s cognomen, Verus.

Antinous had also suggested to the childless Hadrian “Young Marcus Annius Verus would make an ideal grandson for you, given his clearly very worthy aptitudes and, like yours, noble Hispanian background. I’m sure he’d be someone who could worthily succeed to the Principate one day!” At the time, the Emperor dismissed his young lover’s notion as a jest. However, 11 years later, the Princeps came to believe that this assessment of the wise young Bithynian’s remarks was unsound.

(Main stadium, Athens, Roman Province of Achaea, Greece, ¾ year later, summer 128 AD)

The day after young Verissimus’ letter had arrived in Athens, the naked Antinous found himself in a formal procession entering the city’s main athletics stadium, which was crowded with a full house of 20,000 spectators, all standing on the artificial banking that demarcated the sides of the narrow rectangular arena. Only the principal judges and very important guests, such as Hadrian and the Roman Provincial Governor, were granted the privilege of seating.

Hadrian was hosting a special athletics festival for boys, classified for sporting purposes by the Ancient Greeks as being between 12 and 17 inclusive. However, unlike in some other Games, such as the paramount quadrennial festival at Olympia, the Emperor had insisted that the contestants in the various disciplines were segregated according to age. The Princeps had been encouraged to do so by a sense of fair play, as well as a desire to give his beloved Antinous a good chance of being victorious in his own competition.

Antinous was participating in the pentathlon for 15 year-olds, although some of his supposedly vetted rival competitors looked, from their size, muscular structure and shaved chins, suspiciously more mature. However, if any of the latter athletes had hoped to gain a winning advantage by lying about their dates of birth, they were to be disillusioned. In the final contest to judge the victor, both of the boys involved clearly had a right to be present, because of not only their prowess in the earlier events but also the fact that they were undoubtedly of the correct age.

The day’s age-segregated competitions comprised the ‘stade’ race, which was a sprint along the length of the stadium [about 200 metres], long jump, javelin, discus and wrestling, all of which also comprised the five elements of the Ancient Greek pentathlon. There was also a double ‘stade’ race, in which the athletes involved not only ran up the arena but also back as well, having turned at a tall column at one end. Hadrian, at Antinous’ request, had excluded from the festival the boxing and pankration fighting events, which the boy strongly disliked for the bloody brutality usually involved.

Nevertheless, despite the omission of the two gory but most popular crowd-pleasing contests, a full house in the stadium was achieved. Most of the spectators attended because the presence of Hadrian afforded great prestige to those who were granted invites, although many also genuinely enjoyed athletics, even of the kind that only involved male minors, as Games of all types were avidly followed in the Hellenic world. However, there were additionally undoubtedly quite a few who were unashamedly present because they took especial pleasure in watching sport in which naked boys comprised the sole competitors.

Greek culture considered pederastic leanings to be a normal component of a healthy man’s sexuality, with the boys involved in pedagogic relationships honoured by such attention, as well as rightfully expectant of significant support for their futures from their mentors. Romans were more conservative, believing that homosexuality was acceptable only for the perpetrators, as opposed to the recipients, of sodomy, and then only if discreetly practised. Such varying attitudes probably influenced Hadrian in his clear preference for Hellenic society.

When Hadrian’s proposal for the Athenian Games had first been mooted, many locals, well aware of the Emperor’s passion for Antinous, as well as the boy’s supposed proficiency in the pentathlon, initially assumed that the competition for 15 year-olds would be rigged in order to glorify the Imperial catamite. The citizenry originally believed that the other athletes in this particular challenge would be furtively bribed to allow the young Bithynian to emerge victorious, with the only true contests happening in the other events. However, word soon travelled that the Emperor appeared to aspire to no such outcome because he had offered no secret inducements to encourage such a result.

Hadrian instead emphasised his intent to hold real contests in all events by offering rich prizes for all winners, including the boy who won the pentathlon for 15 year-olds. The victors’ olive wreaths, deliberately reminiscent of those presented at Olympia, were to be supplemented by exceedingly valuable solid gold statuettes of Nike, Greek goddess of victory, and coins of the same precious metal, which were equivalent in value to a decade of wages for an ordinary Roman soldier. Given these enormous rewards, the rivalry in all competitions was guaranteed to be fierce, regardless of the presence of a favoured Imperial catamite in one of them.

Many people were actually now looking forward to watching the Emperor’s young male whore endure a public comeuppance, despite Hadrian’s immense local popularity, which stemmed from his regular honouring of and generosity towards Athens and Greece in general. However, the Bithynian boy’s embarrassment at the hands of his fellow 15 year-old athletes, who had been tempted from all over the Hellenic world and mainly comprised professionals, did not come as quickly as most watchers had anticipated.

Antinous shocked everyone, except the delighted Hadrian, by actually coming first in the stade race, which opened his competition. The beautiful young Bithynian then proceeded to perform well in the next three pentathlon events, whilst the Emperor forgot diplomatic decorum and cheered his young lover on from his seat on the middle terracing.

In the long jump, like all competitors, Antinous used hand-held weights, called ‘halteres’, to try to increase the distance he could spring to from an initial stationary standing position, whilst casting away the metal objects during the leap. The boy’s participation in the subsequent javelin and discus contests was assisted by flautists, who played appropriate music to help all athletes to achieve their rhythm. The throwing of the former projectile was assisted by the use of a finger-thong, which was attached roughly half way down the shaft to aid propulsion.

The two pentathlon contestants, who eventually performed best in the running, jumping and throwing events, then faced each other in a wrestling match to determine the ultimate winner. As always in such fights, which had few rules, the victor would be the one who knocked his opponent down to the ground three times or otherwise compelled him to surrender, the appropriate signal for which was the raising of an open palm.

The legendary Milo of Croton, a great warrior and meat-eater and, as far as bodily preparation was concerned, disciple of Pythagoras, who was not only known in the ancient world for his mathematical theorem, boasted that he had never been felled in a wrestling bout. This must have been an awesome attainment because of the number of competition victories he achieved. He had won the boys’ event at an Olympics that took place 652 years [540 BC] before Antinous’ birth, and then proceeded to win the senior event at five consecutive Olympiads, as well as six, nine and ten times respectively in the almost equally revered Pythian, Nemean and Isthmian Games.

Much to the crowd’s amazement and initial chagrin, Antinous had not only reached the concluding wrestling contest but also achieved this feat by matching his opponent’s overall score in the preliminary quartet of events. This rival was a very handsome, genuine 15 year-old from the Peloponnesean city of Aigion, by the name of Sarapion, who resembled the young Bithynian in size if not quite in beauty.

Sarapion was the great grandson of an athlete of the same name, who had been the Olympic champion in the adult stade of the 204th Olympiad of 91 years earlier [37 AD]. However, the boy’s great grandfather had gone on to attain even better fame and fortune by being the first full-time trainer of the celebrated Athenodorus, who was renowned throughout the Hellenic world for being history’s greatest sprinter [see ‘Nero’, chapters 30 & 31, by the same author]. One of the male progeny of this exceptional athlete had also subsequently married one of his coach’s female offspring. This coupling happened to be the paternal grandparents of the 15 year-old from Aigion. The boy therefore had true competitive sporting genes within him, as Antinous was to discover when the pair began their wrestling contest.

Neither Antinous nor Sarapion could, of course, boast of combat invincibility comparable to that of Milo of Croton. In fact, neither would have wanted to be able to, and not just because of their tender ages or the fact that they hated fighting. Both boys actually considered the necessity, of having to indulge in wrestling to identify the winner of an athletics competition like the pentathlon, to be inappropriate and undignified. However, the 15 year-olds also realised that they had no choice, as such a finale had been the traditional end to the five-event contest for a millennium.

The naked Antinous and Sarapion therefore approached their wrestling bouts, which were to take place in the middle of the crowded stadium, surrounded by 20,000 raucous spectators, with some distaste. Nevertheless, both boys were also prepared to perform as best they could in order to achieve victory within the rules, which basically outlawed biting and gouging but little else. Fortunately for their 15 year-old groins, both also had sufficient senses of fair play not to dishonour themselves in the process by hurting their opponent’s genitalia, a snide action the regulations did permit.

Antinous’ preparations had been assisted by an excellent coach, who had been recruited by Hadrian a year earlier in order to help the further development of the boy’s natural athleticism by adding the necessary supplementary skills required for competitive sport. Meanwhile, Sarapion’s trainer was his own father, grandson of both the Olympic champion of the same name and of the immortal Athenodorus.

Following family tradition, the elder Sarapion had also been an excellent professional athlete. The speciality of the boy’s father had been the adult long-distance race, which had necessitated running twelve laps around the columnar turning posts located at the end of all stadia [about 4800 metres].

As the young nude pair engaged in combat for the first time, supervised by their attired trainers and similarly clothed judges, the latter armed, as always, with short light whips to encourage the contestants to fight properly, two facts rapidly became obvious.

First, despite the presence of the locally popular Hadrian, the majority of the loudly boisterous watching Hellenic crowd were supporting Sarapion, as opposed to the Imperial catamite, presumably because of the young Aigionian’s less privileged status and lack of connections to the Roman conquerors of Greece.

Second, Sarapion did not actually appear to need much support to achieve success because he was seemingly clearly the more capable wrestler, perhaps as a result of his greater experience in public competition.

Nevertheless, Antinous fought gamely, even after being grounded twice. This brave spirit gradually encouraged the noisy spectators to change their sympathies, a development stimulated by compassion for a valiant loser and a desire to see the energetic, skilful contest prolonged. The emerging cheering for the efforts of the Bithynian boy then brought some reward when Sarapion felt his bare bottom crash onto the ground, after his opponent had somehow summoned up a clever and accomplished tripping manoeuvre.

Sarapion was not the only one now to lose some of his dignity. Hadrian, again forgetting Imperial decorum, leapt from his feet to acclaim Antinous until embarrassment at the temporary loss of Imperial ‘dignitas’ eventually encouraged the Emperor to sit quietly again.

Antinous had not displayed any distress or annoyance when he had been helped back to his feet after twice earlier being dumped onto the hard ground by Sarapion. Instead, in unprecedented fashion for a Greek athletic contest, in which victory was normally all and defeat agonisingly shameful, the young Bithynian displayed his disarming smile, whilst congratulating his surprised opponent on achieving success.

Fortunately for the maintenance of an admirable competitive atmosphere, Sarapion was a quick learner. Despite the high stakes on offer for winning and the anguish and embarrassment of being felled, the young Aigionian replicated Antinous’ dignified and pleasant attitude when he was himself now dragged back to his feet after his unexpected tumble.

The fourth bout of combat was the most prolonged of all, and could easily have resulted in another victory for Antinous. However, such an outcome was not to be on this day because the gods instead looked favourably upon Sarapion. The latter conjured up all his energy and experience to execute a remarkable movement. This, by using mutual momentum and the leverage afforded by the young Aigionian’s own body, resulted in the young Bithynian being hoisted into the air, and over his opponent’s shoulder, before being thrown to the ground. The naked defeated boy then lay face-up, completely motionless and with his eyes closed.

Instead of the usual cacophonous cheers, which normally resounded round the packed stadium after such a meritorious victorious climax to competition, there was now utter silence. The crowd’s hopes for a fifth deciding bout had been thwarted, as had the popular Hadrian’s victory ambitions for his young catamite. However, neither of these consequences of, nor the fear of any retribution that might now arise as a result of Imperial displeasure at, the outcome of the contest had caused the eerie quietude to descend. Instead, hush prevailed because virtually everyone present was genuinely concerned for the gallant loser’s welfare because the boy looked as if he might be badly injured, perhaps even with a broken back.

The deep worry extended to Sarapion, who beat everyone, including the equally alarmed attendant trainers and judges, to Antinous’ side. The young Aigionian was too conscious of the need not to move a badly injured athlete, at least until a diagnosis of any harm inflicted had been made, to touch the young Bithynian. He therefore simply asked, in a tremulous voice, and more with desperation than expectation, “Are you alright?”

For Sarapion, eternity seemed to pass before he secured the answer to his question, although, in fact, only a brief moment had been consumed by the time that Antinous’ sensuous blue eyes revealed themselves once more. The return of the young Bithynian’s disarming smile, accompanied by a positive announcement then brought intense relief to all.

“I’m fine,” Antinous had declared, whilst attempting to regain his feet, “and many congratulations on your superb victory.” As many hands, including those of the young winner, helped the defeated 15 year-old to stand again, the grinning young Bithynian added “You’ll have to teach me that last manoeuvre sometime!” Sarapion, now displaying a similar smile, albeit one that revealed more relief than pleasure or amusement, replied “I’d be happy to do so!”

Sarapion then helped Antinous to rub some of the dust, accumulated during the last fall, off the sublime naked body of the young Bithynian, who now appreciated for the first time the continuing strange quiet in the stadium. The boy did not know that the crowd had remained relatively mute because the throng of 20,000 people was still trying to gauge the true wellbeing of the young defeated wrestler.

Antinous thought instead that the silence was perhaps due to an irrational fear, on the part of the spectators, that defeat for the Imperial catamite might induce Hadrian to perpetrate terrible vengeance on Athens. The boy therefore decided to try to allay such worries.

Antinous grabbed the bare right arm of his surprised erstwhile opponent and raised the lithe limb into the air. “I present to you,” the smiling young Bithynian then shouted, as loudly as his lungs permitted and as he and the similarly nude young victor turned slowly towards all parts of the stadium, “Sarapion of Aigion, worthy champion of the pentathlon for 15 year-old boys!”

Virtually everyone in the 20,000 crowd now burst into tumultuous acclaim. However, their resounding cheers were not just for the champion but perhaps even more for his valiant opponent, who was exhibiting unprecedented cheery magnanimity in defeat.

As this pandemonium continued, an exceedingly concerned Hadrian arrived in the middle of the stadium, having rushed from the seat of the guest of honour on the central terracing. Despite having already observed Antinous regain his feet and laud Sarapion, the Emperor remained concerned that his beloved boy might still be suffering disguised mental distress and physical injury as a result of his defeat.

The young Bithynian only became aware of Hadrian’s approach when he heard a familiar voice exclaim “Antinous, venio; ego te amo!” When the gorgeous 15 year-old detected these words, his wondrous visage blushed in embarrassment, as the Emperor had never previously made this now regular pronouncement in such a public fashion. However, he still managed his usual sweet smile for the Princeps, as the most powerful, but also at that time possibly the most worried, man in the world reached the side of the most beautiful boy.

Hadrian then repeated Sarapion’s earlier question of “Are you alright?” whilst looking into Antinous’ sensuous blue eyes for possible preliminary signs of the answer before any was uttered from the rosy lips beneath. The still smiling boy, having now completed his public acclimation of Sarapion, and whilst wrapping his arm amicably round the young victor’s bare shoulders, replicated his previous response by truthfully advising “I’m fine!” However, the Emperor was not so easily assured about the young Bithynian’s wellbeing and enquired “But aren’t you hurt, if not physically by your fall then mentally by your defeat?”

“Definitely not, Sire,” Antinous responded, with polite firmness, “as my body is unharmed and my mind very happy!”

“‘Very happy’,” Hadrian quoted back in astonishment, “but you’ve just lost the pentathlon, for which you’ve trained so hard, in front of 20,000 witnesses!”

“Yes, Sire,” Antinous replied, whilst still smilingly holding Sarapion, “I’ve just lost the pentathlon but I’ve won something far more important!”

“What could that possibly be in these circumstances?” the incredulous Hadrian retorted.

Antinous then looked at Sarapion before announcing “A new friend of course, Sire!” The naked young Aigionian was almost as surprised as Hadrian to hear this declaration, but also deeply thrilled.

Hadrian, now beginning to appreciate fully the current nature of the maintained loud cheering from around the whole of the packed stadium, glanced at the noisy crowd.

The Emperor then realised that his beloved Antinous had not just won one Greek friend on that day.

(Provincial Governor’s Palace, Claudiopolis, Roman Province of Bithynia, 1 year later, summer 129 AD)

Antinous was again acting as a nude model. Hadrian had insisted on having the boy’s impeccable form regularly replicated in paint, bronze and marble by the best artists in the Empire. However, today’s craftsman, currently sketching the now 16 year-old’s still stunning form, differed from the norm because he was the subject’s father.

After his tour of the cities in the ancient homeland of the Greeks, Hellas, Hadrian and his huge entourage had moved over to Asia Minor, where the Emperor made a courtesy visit to honour once more Antinous’ birthplace of Claudiopolis. The Princeps was doing so as genuine thanks for the advent of the divine boy into his life and to allow the 16 year-old to undertake, in his home Hellenic city, a certain Latin ritual.

Antinous ceremonially accepted the ‘toga virilis’, indicating accession to manhood and customarily awarded by the Romans when the age of 16 had been attained, although Greeks normally considered such a rite of passage to be more appropriate for 18 year-olds. The young Bithynian simultaneously had the long hair of boyhood neatly trimmed to a style that was more in keeping with his supposed adult status, although the fashion was still relatively lengthy.

Antinous’ father had not seen his son for over half a decade. Hadrian’s on-going sculpture commissions, and his offspring’s exalted status with the Emperor, had since earned the man both riches and prominent standing within his community. However, as he again now drew his son’s remarkable nude form, in readiness for later transformation into marble, he would gladly have traded these substantial monetary and social gains for the six missing years of watching his delightful, in all senses, offspring grow and develop.

The father, however, had made an irreversible choice six years earlier, when he had preferred the prospect of wealth and advancement to the company of his only son. Although Antinous showed him proper affection and respect, it was also obvious that the boy’s true love and loyalty now rested immovably with someone else, who happened to be the most powerful man in the world. The parent therefore appreciated that the 16 year-old could not now be restored to his life.

Father and son eventually tearfully parted once more, after Hadrian’s short respectful visit to Claudiopolis had concluded. Their tears might have been even more fulsome if they had known that they would not meet again, at least in this world.

(Provincial Governor’s Palace, Roman Province of Egypt, 1 year later, June 130 AD)

Hadrian and his huge travelling entourage, including Antinous, fatefully arrived in Egypt in early summer of DCCCLXXXIII A.V.C. [130 AD].

After Bithynia, the Imperial court had proceeded east, through Syrian Antiochia and then as far as Armenia. The travelling entourage subsequently ventured southwest, through Mesopotamia and northern Arabia, before crossing the River Jordan into Palestina. In Jerusalem, Hadrian, as ever interested in alternative cultures, met some of the most important Jewish Rabbis.

Unfortunately, as a consequence of the resultant theological debate with the Rabbis, Hadrian became freshly acquainted and alarmed about certain Jewish customs, especially circumcision. The Emperor disliked cut cocks, both on aesthetic grounds and because most Romans and Greeks regarded the act as barbaric self-mutilation. The Princeps therefore subsequently decided to enact sweeping reforms on Judaism, including the prohibition of this penile rite, despite Antinous’ suggestion, delivered diplomatically, that his Imperial master should not interfere with the beliefs of others.

Hadrian’s stubborn determination to reform Judaism was not just stimulated by distaste for certain customs. The Emperor was a follower of the traditional Hellenic and Latin pantheons, not least because the worship of these gods underpinned Imperial society. Nevertheless, the Princeps respected most other beliefs unless they had the capability to undermine the social order of his Empire. However, like many of his predecessors, he perceived that the monotheistic Jewish and Christian religions possessed such potential by virtue of their independent, if not rebellious, disposition towards Roman suzerainty and cultural, especially militaristic, values.

As a consequence, Hadrian continued his predecessors’ policies of trying to limit the influence of Judaism and Christianity on the wider population of the Empire. However, as a result of his sojourn to Palestina, the Emperor now added reform of Judaic ritual to the earlier exclusion of the majority of Jews from many of the privileges of Roman society and the persecution of openly evangelical Christians. The oppression of the latter actually did not usually extend to believers who were not actively involved in the spreading of their faith. Those who instead maintained highly discreet low profiles, such as the family of Alexamenos, were left alone. The Princeps was fully aware of the young Philippian’s familial affiliations but apparently Imperial liking for the boy’s beauty overcame any distaste for the page’s religious convictions.

Antinous’ rare failure, whilst in Palestina, to influence his Imperial lover was to have enormous consequences. Hadrian’s edicts against Judaic practices would later cause a major revolt, which would ultimately result in the brutal destruction of a coherent Jewish nation, a situation not rectified for over 1800 years, and then only with much bloodshed and still without resolution.

In fact, much of the current strife in the modern Middle East, which has overlapped elsewhere, such as in the terrible events of 9/11, can be traced back to Antinous’ failed efforts in early DCCCLXXXIII A.V.C. [130 AD] to dissuade Hadrian from introducing legislation to suppress certain Judaic rites.

In Palestina, Antinous was amongst those who next encouraged Hadrian to move on to Egypt, although the Emperor needed little persuasion, as the reasons behind the visit did not just concern sightseeing. The country faced calamity if, for the third year in a row, the mighty Nile did not flood properly. Such annual events were essential for the fertility of the river valley, which was essentially the breadbasket of the Empire because the climate and well-irrigated rich alluvial soil could produce up to three bountiful harvests of wheat every summer.

The advent of local famine would have serious repercussions for the whole Empire, especially Rome itself. Egyptian wheat formed the staple crop upon which the Imperial capital’s masses relied for food. A breakdown in supplies could therefore ferment much more than mere unrest. The whole social order could collapse. Hadrian and his travelling court were therefore keen to be by the Nile to monitor the situation and, if necessary, assist whatever action could be taken in the circumstances to alleviate any disaster.

Hadrian and his entourage first made for Egypt’s own capital, the great city of Alexandria, where they were guests in another luxurious gubernatorial palace. However, unlike in most other provinces, the local Governor was not a Senator.

The immensely wealthy Province was considered so important that Imperial law disallowed Senators from being appointed to the Governorship. Such prohibition was designed to avoid the creation of an alternative centre of power that could become dangerous not only to the incumbent Emperor but also to the position of Rome itself, as had once happened in the era of Cleopatra.

Alexandria had been founded over 400 years earlier by Alexander the Great, whose transparent crystal sarcophagus was still viewable in the rich teeming city. Most of the population comprised native Egyptians, although the upper elite were mainly Hellenes. This ethnic composition of the upper echelon was a residual effect of Alexander’s conquest of Egypt, during his war with Persia, and foundation of the city, plus the later creation of a local Greek ruling dynasty by his general and half-brother, Ptolemy. The descendants of the latter had subsequently reigned for about 300 years until the downfall of Cleopatra and her lover, Antony, after their failed attempt to secure hegemony over Octavian [later the first Emperor, Augustus] and Rome.

On arrival of Hadrian’s Imperial entourage in Alexandria, there was no longer any pretence that Antinous was simply one of the Emperor’s pages. The relationship had long since developed well beyond such a status because the now 17 and 54 year-olds were clearly, deeply and longstandingly in love with each other, despite their age differential.

Neither Hadrian nor anyone in his entourage still regarded Antinous as a mere Imperial servant. The 17 year-old, whom I shall continue to describe as a boy because his youthful appearance still justified such an epithet, was considered instead to be a prince in all but official title.

Some even thought that Antinous, despite his Greek nationality and humble origins, might somehow someday succeed his older lover to the Principate. After all, there had already been examples of men from relatively humble backgrounds, as well as of foreign origin, gaining such advancement, although none had so far lacked ethnic Roman ancestry. However, realisation that the 17 year-old Bithynian was assuming more and more influence only helped to stimulate furtive criticism in certain court circles relating to the boy’s position, developed by some homophobic, xenophobic or simply jealous observers of the Imperial scene.

Antinous himself did not display any superior or boastful airs, as a consequence of his clearly changed standing in the Imperial court. The boy instead exhibited princely attributes that related only to his natural noble character. The young Bithynian continued to be very discreet, modest, friendly and considerate, as well as a constant source of warm energetic fun and humour. However, perfect personality was not the only reason why the 17 year-old had retained Hadrian’s exclusive favour, despite now attaining an age when the Emperor’s eyes would earlier have roved in the direction of younger boyish delicacies.

Hadrian’s pederastic tastes had not altered. However, the Emperor’s previously unprecedented continued liking for a 17 year-old male form had been aided by the fact that, apart from size, Antinous’ dazzling, slim, lithe, smooth frame had actually changed little in recent years.

Antinous’ silky blonde mane had been neatly shortened when he had accepted his toga virilis and a little golden tuft of hair, trimmed daily by his eunuch, Paraetonius, had appeared above his delectable and still otherwise completely smooth genitalia. However, elsewhere, the boy’s divine body still resembled, in all but proportion, that of two, if not four, years earlier.

Antinous’ maintenance of boyish bodily beauty was assisted by the fact that, whilst not being incongruously short for his age, he was also not tall. The 17 year-old’s frame additionally displayed a very delicate and delightful hint of femininity, in terms of form not mannerism, which was not overt but added substantially to his physical charms in the discerning eyes of Hadrian.

Unfortunately, this impeccable pulchritude, as well as the very life of the bearer, was to be seriously endangered shortly after arrival in Egypt, as an indirect result of public opinion. The indigenous population regarded Hadrian as not only Emperor but also Pharaoh and therefore a living god. However, many of the upper classes displayed little similar respect for the Princeps.

Egypt was such a rich province that, unlike virtually anywhere else, it did not need to try to attract Imperial largesse by being overly welcoming to Hadrian. In fact, if anything, the country, or more succinctly its elite, was distinctly underwhelmed by the arrival of the Emperor. However, great care was always taken not to provide the Princeps with direct evidence of such an unenthusiastic attitude, with all the normal formalities and functions associated with such a visit being pursued.

The local long-entrenched social upper echelon had strongly disliked some of the political reforms introduced by Hadrian, which had adversely affected their own standing and power bases. Some homophobic leaders of the large Christian minority also exhibited no gratitude that the Emperor had so far left them unmolested when they instead expressed wide vocal distaste for Antinous’ presence and clear role in Imperial life.

The consequent subtle hostile atmosphere in Alexandrian high society, which resulted from such disapproval of Imperial policies and amours, and which infiltrated court circles as far as both Emperor and catamite, made Hadrian and his young lover very uncomfortable. The Princeps’ normal instinctive reaction would have been to move to another province where he and Antinous might be welcomed better. However, such a notion was not an option because they were in Egypt for reasons of duty, namely to observe the Nile flood and take necessary remedial action if the annual inundation was again disappointing.

Nevertheless, such recognition did not prevent Hadrian from taking Antinous on a hunting trip in order to remove the beautiful boy from the unpleasant furtively sniggering disapproval of the Alexandrian elite. The Emperor and his travelling entourage therefore travelled west to Libya, from where poor Paraetonius had been exported from Africa to Rome as a 4 year-old.

Hadrian’s love of hunting, now shared by Antinous, had encouraged the pair of lovers to embark upon the expedition after they had been told that a large, vicious man-eating lion had been causing havoc in the countryside.

(Libya, Roman Province of Egypt, 1 month later, July 130 AD)

After much time and effort, the Imperial hunting party eventually tracked the lion down and the mounted Hadrian and Antinous moved in for the kill, with the latter in the vanguard. The boy had assumed this position not because of selfish, inconsiderate bravado, designed to show off, but instead as a result of a selfless, courageous desire to imperil himself rather than the Emperor in securing the demise of this particular very dangerous creature.

Antinous’ aim was assisted by his riding proficiency, which now even exceeded that of Hadrian, who was a highly skilled cavalryman as a result of his extensive military service in early manhood. The Emperor had also acquired a habit during his extensive travels of foregoing coaches in favour of either horses’ backs or even walking.

Having successfully wounded the lion with his spear, Antinous leapt from his horse in order to finish off the cornered beast with his sword. However, the boy had under-estimated the animal’s capacity to continue the combat and the beautiful 17 year-old subsequently lost his weapon in the ensuing ferocious fight.

The wounded lion then attacked the disarmed Antinous, who attempted to use his natural elusive speed to avoid the beast’s deadly claws and teeth. Unfortunately, a stumble over a root enabled the vicious and furious animal to leap and trap his pray underfoot.

Antinous felt his light summer tunic, as well as some of his underlying flesh, being shredded by razor-sharp claws, whilst he tried to keep the lion’s opened jaws, displaying a copious array of long off-white fangs, at bay. As the boy did so, the rancid breath of the still enormously powerful beast overwhelmed his young nostrils. The 17 year-old also began to appreciate that he could not fight the angry, voracious carnivore off for long, and accordingly he expected to receive the fatal lesion or bite at any moment.

Antinous therefore began to pray to the gods, but not for his own salvation. The boy instead begged the deities to provide Hadrian with long life and continued happiness. However, the divinities must not have been ready to receive the magnificent 17 year-old into their realm because it was not the young Bithynian’s blue eyes that now closed forever but rather the dark brown variety possessed by the lion.

After the dead beast was eventually carefully pulled off the pinned Antinous by Praetorians of the Imperial bodyguard, the boy first saw Hadrian, who was exhibiting clear trepidation that his beloved might be lying dead or mortally wounded under the deceased animal. However, the appearance of very much alive sensuous blue eyes, accompanied by the usual disarming smile, indicated the incorrectness of the former fear, and a check by a physician dismissed the latter worry. The 17 year-old had suffered some nasty scratches, but the mightily relieved and grateful Emperor was reassured that the wounds would heal completely with time.

Hadrian had himself saved his beloved Antinous. The Emperor had leapt from his own horse, like a man possessed, to slay the lion with just a couple of sword thrusts, expertly directed at the beast’s vital organs so that the animal had swiftly departed this world for the leonine equivalent of Hades.

Imperial coins, some of which are now in modern museums, later celebrated Hadrian’s salvation of Antinous from the lion. Red lotus flowers also subsequently grew in the area where the blood of the young Bithynian and the beast had spilt and mingled. The spot subsequently became a shrine, which was to be a centre of reverence in honour of the divine boy for over two centuries.

The first red lotus flowers to appear were presented to Hadrian, who had a wreath made so that the young Bithynian could garland his silky hair with the flora, which thereafter became the sacred emblem of Antinous.

(Provincial Governor’s Palace, Alexandria, Roman Province of Egypt, 1 month later, August 130 AD)

The Imperial entourage returned to Alexandria to allow Antinous to recover from the wounds to his gorgeous body, and Hadrian to recuperate from the trauma to his anguished mind, caused by the Libyan lion’s unnerving, almost successful attack. Unfortunately, the Emperor’s recovery was not to be as complete as that of the boy.

Given the continued delights exhibited by Antinous’ body and character, the only danger Hadrian currently perceived in respect of his relationship with the young Bithynian related to the Emperor’s own health. The Princeps was 54, a good age in an era when life expectancy was short.

Hadrian also knew that his own body was beginning to feel old, despite the previously rejuvenating magic elixir presented by Antinous’ presence in his life. The Emperor had begun to experience increasingly frequent bouts of acute tiredness, about which he did not bother his physicians or young lover because he considered the incidents merely to be natural but embarrassing consequence of the ageing process.

After Libya, instances of Hadrian’s occasional overwhelming tiredness became more regular, perhaps as a result of the shock of almost losing Antinous, but the Emperor continued to keep the problem a secret from everyone, including the boy. Unfortunately, the Princeps’ consideration in not troubling his young lover about his periodic fatigue was to result in a great tragedy.

One of the consequences of Hadrian’s recurring undisclosed ailment was his desire to be alone more frequently, including in his bed overnight. As a result, Antinous began to fret that the Emperor was finally beginning to weary of the boy’s physical charms, which could in turn lead to the loss of the Princeps’ love.

The distraught Antinous bravely confronted Hadrian about the issue but unfortunately now disbelieved the basically honest response, which for the first time revealed the Emperor’s occasional intense fatigue. The boy’s disbelief stemmed from the Princeps’ unwillingness to raise the matter with his doctors.

Antinous made the tragic error of mistaking Hadrian’s lack of desire to consult physicians about, what the Emperor only considered to be, the natural embarrassing symptoms of ageing for reluctance to disclose that he was actually really becoming less attracted to the boy, who would be an 18 year-old in November. The young Bithynian also believed that the distressing development would only worsen as the passing months brought the unrelenting progression of true manhood to his splendid youthful body.

Antinous subsequently confided his worries in his eunuch, the now 34 year-old Paraetonius, who was still expertly and conscientiously looking after the young Bithynian. Consultations followed with 20 year-old Mastor, who had achieved his aim of retaining a position in the Emperor’s travelling entourage by becoming an assistant to the court chamberlain.

Alexamenos and Corinthus, now both 17 year-olds and whose stints as Imperial pages were due to end on the conclusion of the visit to Egypt, were also brought into the debate. However, Antinous received the same feedback from all his confidants, who correctly told the young Bithynian that his fears were mistaken. All perceptively and accurately advised the boy that Hadrian loved him as much as ever.

Nevertheless, Antinous retained doubts and so fatefully finally consulted Marianus, whom he still misguidedly considered to be a friend. The 17 year-old Roman, who, like Alexamenos and Corinthus, was due to complete his service as an Imperial page soon, proffered a different opinion to the others, along with a possible solution to the problem. He did so because he had cunningly spotted what possibly might be his last opportunity to inflict long-awaited revenge on the young Bithynian.

Shortly afterwards, the travelling Imperial entourage boarded a fleet of elegant boats and began a slow voyage up the Nile. As well as escaping the still unwelcoming social elite of Alexandria and embarking on a pleasant sightseeing cruise, which Hadrian hoped might lead to a recovery from his malaise, the expedition was designed to coincide with the annual flood. The Emperor wanted to see for himself whether the world’s mightiest waterway would oblige his Empire by properly inundating and fertilising the riverbanks this year.

Hadrian, however, would undoubtedly never have undertaken the voyage if he had known that it was one from which his beloved Antinous was not to return.

(Temple of Isis, Hermopolis Magna, banks of the River Nile, Roman Province of Egypt, 2 months later, October 130 AD)

Hermopolis, over 200 Roman miles south of Alexandria along the Nile, had once been called Khmunu. The city, on the western bank of the sacred river, had been the centre of the cult of Thoth, the Ancient Egyptian god of wisdom, writing and healing, although other deities possessed local temples.

The Greeks, who had ruled Egypt for most of the period since Alexander the Great’s conquest, associated Thoth with their own Hermes. They therefore renamed the city accordingly.

Hadrian and his huge courtly entourage were staying in Hermopolis, whilst they nervously awaited the main annual flood, which was late arriving. However, Antinous was currently rightfully very nervous about another matter as he walked alone through the city’s dark quiet streets, initially illuminated only by a few oil lamps, light from some windows and the moon above. Fortunately, the boy had reconnoitred the route in daytime and so managed to find his way to his secret dawn rendezvous without error, helped by the eventual appearance of the rising sun.

The magnificent riverside temple complex was located just outside Hermopolis. The sacred site was surrounded by tall wide walls of mud brick, decorated with horizontal wavy lines, and located at the end of a long processional way, flanked by ornate obelisks.

Since transportation in Ancient Egypt was primarily via the Nile waters, the processional way connected the temple to a quay. The latter possessed a stone pier, jutting into a rectangular basin, which was linked by a tree-lined canal to the great river.

There were two principal kinds of Ancient Egyptian temple. One type, called “mansions of the gods”, were for the worship of individual deities, being designed to accommodate their images, whereas the other, known as “mansions of millions of years”, were mortuary shrines, dedicated to deceased Pharaohs. Essentially, the construction of a standard complex followed a tripartite plan, consisting of an outer court, an entrance hall and the main sanctuary itself. These primary features could be multiplied and enclosed by auxiliary rooms but the basic design was fairly consistent. Common additions were enormous gateways, known as ‘pylons’ and often decorated with symbolic sunken carved reliefs, located at the entrance to each courtyard to provide a more grandiose approach.

The forecourt, which was often colonnaded around the perimeter, was invariably spacious, at it was regularly used for the assembly of large numbers of worshippers in an area that was a link between the realms of men and the gods. The interior hall was full of columns, carved in the shape of lotuses, lilies and papyrus plants, which reflected the surrounding river marshes. The inner sanctuary was generally uncluttered apart from the altar, set to one side of the main axis, some statues of deities or mortal worthies and other edifices required for ritual.

The various elements were arranged symmetrically, along a single avenue of approach, which ideally ran from east to west, facing the Nile and providing a microcosm of the cosmos at the time of creation. Typically, there was a rise in floor level towards the sanctuary from the outside, whilst the ceiling became progressively lower.

Temples were picturesque places because the many wall reliefs and carved structures were brightly painted. Pennants, fluttering from tall exterior wooden flagstaffs, fixed in high niches, added to the colourful effect. However, the vast majority of ordinary Egyptians never penetrated beyond the stone entrance pylons, which normally flanked a central, somewhat lower, gateway, possessing a set of double-doors. Entrance was only for the priesthood and appropriate members of the ruling class.

Pylons were frequently referred to as the “Luminous Mountain Horizon of Heaven” because of their resemblance to the hieroglyph for the horizon. A depiction of the winged sun disc was therefore often found above, or emblazoned in gold leaf on, the massive doorways themselves.

Approaching the sanctuary in daylight, arrivals would move from the bright sun, invariably beating down on the open courtyard, through a rather dimly lit hall to the darkness of the usually very poorly illuminated, claustrophobic inner sanctum. The journey often heightened the sense of mystery and awe for newcomers. Antinous’ first and last entrance, as a mortal being, into such a shrine was to be no exception, especially as the motive for his presence would alone terrify most males.

Antinous had found the priest already waiting for him at the end of the processional way, outside the monumental gates of the large temple, which represented his destination. The boy’s cock, hidden under his light summer tunic and underlying subligaculum, both of rich, expensive material and perhaps appropriately red in colour, was, given the circumstances, incongruously hard. The unruly member had become increasingly rigid as the beautiful 17 year-old had advanced up the broad avenue, between the tall colourful obelisks, towards his destiny.

“Antinous?” the priest asked in excellent Greek, on seeing the young Bithynian emerge from the dawn shadows. “Yes!” the exquisite boy replied, as bravely as he could in the circumstances, although acute trepidation was still evident in his voice.

The priest then looked carefully into Antinous’ sensuous blue eyes, as the boy came close, and enquired “Do you still want to proceed with the rite? If so, have you prepared yourself properly in the required way?” “The answer is ‘yes’ to both questions,” the young Bithynian responded instantly, thoughts of Hadrian helping to renew the original brave determination within his divine young form.

“I haven’t eaten for days,” Antinous proceeded to confirm, “I’ve taken your purgative, which has efficiently completely emptied my insides, and I’ve recently bathed thoroughly, including subjecting myself to several enemas.” The boy did not add that he had done so whilst deflecting many enquiries about his strange behaviour from his eunuch and closest friends. Hadrian, currently enduring one of his apparently disinterested and listless spells of solitude, which had only spurred the unhappy young Bithynian even more to embark on this venture, had not noticed his lover’s unusual conduct.

Additionally reassured by observation of Antinous’ honest courageous resolve in the boy’s sublime eyes, the priest now extended an invitation to the 17 year-old. “Please follow me!” the middle-aged man, who resembled a woman, had suggested. The fearful young Bithynian obeyed, entering the temple of Isis through the opened doors of the outer pylons in order to do so.

Isis, daughter of the sky and sister of Osiris, had been worshipped in Egypt since time immemorial. Her followers, who came to include many Greeks and Romans, considered the goddess to be the universal mother, effectively nature itself. As Antinous passed, with trepidation, across the peristyle courtyard and entered the columned hall beyond, he noticed carved depictions of the deity, wearing a moon-like crown with the stars of the night shining on her dark mantle, on many of the interior walls. However, the sight of another engraving in the inner sanctum caused the wondrous boy most consternation.

The carving [which is still viewable today] portrayed a young naked boy strapped to a table, with his genitals tightly bound by yarn. An attendant priest, dressed in the same manner as the one who had greeted Antinous, stood adjacent, holding a knife. The scared young Bithynian was, in the circumstances, fortuitously to remain ignorant of the subsequent processes relating to the depicted youngster’s castration.

The boy’s sexual organs would be sliced away by the priest’s knife. The new nullified eunuch’s wound would then be cauterised using hot tar, with a thin metal rod inserted into his urethra to keep the aperture from sealing during the process. Next, the poor young victim would be buried outdoors, up to his neck in hot sand, where he would remain, without food or water, for about five days, supposedly to aid recovery. Naturally only a minority survived such horrendous treatment. However, fortunately, the nullification techniques currently indulged within the temple were now much safer than in the earlier times depicted on the wall.

Isis’ male priesthood took several forms but that pertaining to the temple into which Antinous had entered believed in resembling their divine mistress as much as possible. They therefore wore feminine gowns and ornamentation, and shaved their bodies completely, including shaving away their masculine genitalia.

Castration was not as widespread in Ancient Egyptian society as in that of Rome. Dismemberment of usually already dead prisoners for the acquisition of penises or complete genitalia as war trophies was common, usually for later use as boastful wedding presents to brides. However, otherwise, the practice was reserved mainly as punishment for sexual offences or for the creation of some eunuchs required for intimate service in the households of the Pharaohs or the most important nobles. The presence of such emasculated servants in royal retinues, invariably from early boyhood, is evident from hieroglyphic images in which they are clearly depicted as being neither male nor female, often by providing a masculine form without genitalia.

Castration was also practised by the male clergy of some sects of Isis, who gave up their masculine sexual organs so that their bodies could be more akin to their revered deity’s feminine form. Antinous now approached the rectangular stone plinth, positioned before the great altar of the goddess in her dark inner sanctum, on which the male priesthood of this particular temple sacrificed their manhood.

“If you still intend to continue,” the accompanying priest requested of Antinous in his excellent Greek, “please remove your garments and lie naked, face-up and spreadeagled on the sacred plinth. I shall then strap you down to avoid potentially perilous movement during the rite, as well as fix a gag to your mouth to prevent your teeth from damaging your lips or tongue. If you then nod positively to me to signal that you wish to proceed and are ready, I shall begin to cut you!”

Antinous, trying his best to avoid revelation of his acute apprehension, began to obey the instruction without hesitation. However, the boy’s shaking fingers betrayed his dread.

Nevertheless, Antinous bravely proceeded to remove his leather sandals, before then loosening the waist-cord on his tunic to allow the garment to be lifted upwards over his head and off his sublime body, leaving him attired only in his minuscule subligaculum. There was now a slight pause before the little bow on the side of this tiny red loincloth was pulled to permit gravity to encourage the boy’s last cover to fall to the cool paved ground.

The pause was caused more by intense embarrassment rather than the profound trepidation that Antinous was currently experiencing. The brave boy had appreciated that his action would allow the still rampant nature of his cock to be fully revealed. The 17 year-old’s abashment was present despite the fact that his incongruous penile excitement was already clearly evident because of the large bulge at the front of his subligaculum.

Antinous overcame his bashful anxiety by taking in a deep breath and then pulling on the bow. However, his loincloth then caused him further embarrassment when it failed to fall fully to the floor, preferring instead to drape itself over the boy’s throbbing penis, which had immediately risen to the horizontal as soon as the undisciplined member had been released from the tight confinement of the subligaculum. The 17 year-old therefore had to endure the added humiliation of unwrapping the tiny garment from his rigid cock in order to reveal his copious male virility in all of its resplendent glory.

The dark eyes of the watching nullified priest, waiting to perform his private commission, widened in appreciation when he now spied Antinous’ dangling excited genitalia for the first time. Apart from the neatly trimmed, crowning, golden patch above, the organs had remained completely without hair. Nevertheless, they had grown in line with the boy’s other proportions.

Antinous’ nicely slender, erect, horizontal penis now pointed towards the priest, although the boy’s copious uncut foreskin enabled little of the actual cockhead to be seen, despite the fact that the throbbing shaft had already achieved its substantial maximum length. The smooth twin orbs of the young Bithynian’s ball sacs dangled deliciously underneath, almost inviting someone to caress them with fingers or lips, or a knife.

Unfortunately for the admiring priest, who had lost his own sexual equipment years previously, this delightful vision was short-lived, as Antinous continued to obey his instructions by clambering onto the nearby waiting plinth. Shortly afterwards, the nude boy was resting in the required position on the cool stone surface. The divine 17 year-old’s splayed limbs were then immovably bound by strong leather ties to the four corners of the edifice, whilst his sweet mouth was muted by a wide gag of similar material, strong enough to endure the pressure of severely clenched teeth.

Antinous’ genitalia were the next part of his divine anatomy to suffer tight constriction, as the priest tightly bound the base of the delectable organs in order to restrict the blood flow. However, his action did nothing to lessen the boy’s display of intense penile hardness.

The priest, whilst waiting for the tourniquet to take effect, spent some time uttering some sacred incantations before the sacred altar. He then picked up the ancient razor-sharp castration knife, which had been used to nullify and castrate boys, youths and young men, on this plinth before the altar of Isis, for centuries.

Antinous then summoned up all of his undoubted valour to provide the priest with the required positive signal. The boy subsequently felt his still incongruously rigid and throbbing cock being held by the man’s left hand and the touch of cold metal on the middle of his smooth 17 year-old scrotum.

The priest carefully felt Antinous’ smooth ball sacs to locate the orbs that were to be extracted before aiming his blade at the appropriate intervening location. He then asked once more “Do you still want to proceed with the rite?” On receiving further brave positive nodding acknowledgement from the beautiful, naked, bound boy, he began his delicate, expert incision.

Antinous’ fortunately tight bonds now prevented the boy from writhing too much in mental and physical anguish, and his effective gag muted his tormented moans.

(Alexandria, Roman Province of Egypt, 2 months previously, August 130 AD)

Marianus’ private advice about what Antinous might do, to encourage Hadrian to maintain his past level of interest in the young Bithynian, differed to that offered by the boy’s other friends, amongst whom was counted his eunuch, Paraetonius.

The others had suggested that Antinous should do little, except try to coax Hadrian to consult his doctors. They assumed correctly that the Emperor’s periodic tiredness, finally grudgingly admitted by the Princeps, was responsible for his lapses in attention to his beloved, not a loss of affection. Marianus actually believed the same but cleverly introduced an alternative scenario, which matched the young Bithynian’s worst fears.

“Yes, Mastor and the others could be right,” Marianus, continuing to feign amity towards Antinous declared, “but alternatively, and I genuinely hesitate to suggest it but do so as a friend, the Emperor’s increasing disinterest in you might relate to your advance towards true manhood. After all, you’ll soon be 18 and the Princeps has never bedded a male so old!”

Marianus realised that this suggestion was beginning to have an effect on Antinous when he detected the formation of a little dampness in his fellow 17 year-old’s sensuous blue eyes. The young Roman became certain when the young Bithynian then asked, with clear desperation, “What can I do to stop this happening?”

Marianus deliberately paused before answering, in order to convey the false impression that he had not already formulated his answer. The young Roman appreciated that he needed to sow the idea into Antinous’ troubled mind with great care, if he was to encourage the desperate boy to try to resolve his problem by taking the drastic action the devious plotter hoped.

Marianus astutely realised that the resolution he had in mind would not only not work but also would result in disaster for Antinous’ relationship with Hadrian, an outcome the young Roman considered to be sweet revenge on his disguised long-term enemy.

“There’s nothing that you can realistically do,” Marianus eventually replied, with false melancholy, to Antinous’ question. “I believe that there’s a way to delay the onset of physical manhood,” he continued with feigned sadness, “but it’s too drastic even to contemplate!”

As Marianus had desired, the last remark had engendered Antinous’ interest. “What’s that?” the innocent young Bithynian asked. “It’s useless me telling you,” the young Roman responded, with deliberate intent to tease, “as it’s far too radical a solution to the problem, and one that would perhaps only delay the inevitable for a few years!”

Also as Marianus had hoped, Antinous did not intend to ignore a possible answer to his supposed current predicament, regardless of its extreme nature. The young Bithynian now demonstrated this by begging the young Roman to appraise him about the undisclosed potential solution.

With as much solemnity as he could muster, Marianus then suggested “Castration!”

“Castration,” Antinous retorted with appropriate incredulity, “but how could that possibly help to resolve matters?” Marianus smiled, as if he were a condescending sagacious tutor appraising an youthfully ignorant young pupil about the basic facts of life, whilst answering “I understand that gelding someone our age should delay the onset of manhood and enable current looks to be maintained for a few more years. However, I told you that it was too drastic a solution, as who’d want to sacrifice their testicles just to retain Hadrian’s affection for a little longer?”

Marianus could not prevent a broad smile from emerging when he heard Antinous announce “I would!”

(Temple of Isis, Hermopolis Magna, banks of the River Nile, Roman Province of Egypt, 2 months later, October 130 AD)

Marianus had debated with Antinous the advantages and disadvantages of castration whenever they could be together over the past two months. The young Roman had also convinced his fellow 17 year-old about the need to maintain secrecy over the issue, claiming rightly that such furtiveness was essential if the young Bithynian considered personal voluntary gelding to be an option that he might like to pursue.

Marianus correctly contended that, if Hadrian or any of Antinous’ other close confidants had heard about the boy’s possible intent, they would take action to prevent the young Bithynian from pursuing such a drastic course, possibly even to the extent of keeping him under constant supervision. The young Roman excused himself from wanting to follow a similar path by suggesting that his affection for his fellow 17 year-old was so strong that he was prepared to support any decision that his supposed friend made to ensure his continued happiness.

Meanwhile, Marianus was actually attempting to steer Antinous, by subliminal means, to a decision that the young Roman knew would bring disaster for the young Bithynian. He did so not by promoting castration as the ideal solution to the boy’s dilemma but by highlighting, by means of discrediting other possible courses of action and overcoming objections, that genital self-sacrifice was the only realistic option if Hadrian’s interest was to be retained.

The first subjects that needed tackling were Antinous’ desires to be capable of future procreation and enjoying genital sexual pleasure. However, such issues were quickly overcome when the young Bithynian declared that he would be happy to forego both rights in return for a few more years of Hadrian’s love.

Marianus proceeded to convince Antinous about the short-term physical benefits of castration in terms of maintaining youthful looks. The young Roman also handled the potentially awkward issue of Hadrian’s supposed dislike of genital mutilation with ingenious aplomb.

Antinous had advised Marianus that “Hadrian has always indicated to me that he hates human castration, which is why he has confirmed his predecessors’ laws banning the practice.” The young Roman replied with an answer carefully formulated earlier, whilst he was planning his evil campaign of subtle persuasion. However, he first astutely prefaced his answer to prevent upset by requesting “Please don’t misinterpret my words as being in any way critical or derogative of our master, whom I consider to be the greatest person in the world. My intent instead is only to convey my opinion of his policy in respect of the gelding of boys and men.”

Marianus then commented “It’s my belief that the Emperor’s personal dislike, if it really exists, only extends to involuntary castration, which he might consider unworthy of Imperial citizens to perpetrate. Alternatively, the relevant law might perhaps only be for a public show of Imperial compassion, as the legislation isn’t really enforced, as is evident by the existence of eunuchs everywhere throughout the Empire. Like your Paraetonius, they even serve us pages at court, and were previously present at the paedagogium. I know the Princeps tries to excuse their presence by saying that they were bought for his service out of pity, in order to save them from terrible servitude elsewhere. However, and I’m not suggesting that our master does not truly practise such thoughtfulness, I think that he, like many others, finds gelded servants very useful in certain situations and actually secretly welcomes their creation, preferably by those who are neither Greek nor Roman. I also certainly don’t think that he considers the pretty ones to be any less attractive because of the loss of their balls.”

“I understand,” Marianus lied, “that the Emperor has happily bedded young eunuchs in the past, as he doesn’t find gelded genitalia at all unpleasant, and has supported voluntary castration in a good cause. After all, the Princeps still permits the gallae novices of Cybele to emasculate themselves in order to enter the goddess’ priesthood.” In fact, Hadrian’s continued liberality towards the latter practice was associated with his desire not to interfere in traditional, longstanding and otherwise harmless religious cults.

Marianus went on to describe to Antinous the potential religious benefits of sacrificing testicles in Egypt. The young Roman explained how such an action, if conducted properly in honour of an appropriate local god, could bestow sacred favour on the person to whom the forfeiture was dedicated. He also hinted that Hadrian could be granted prolonged vigour by the deity in return for such a genital offering.

Having researched his subject well, Marianus next appraised Antinous about a few of the cults that worshipped Isis, and the fact that some of the goddess’ priests were expert practitioners of castration. They perpetrated nullification on their own neophytes, as well as occasionally being the ultimate arm of Egyptian law by perpetrating the same on sexual criminals. They were also known to perform private secret commissions, involving the testicular gelding of young slaves for rich households desirous of acquiring eunuch servants.

Marianus’ gradual, furtive propaganda campaign, which, over the passing months, subtly advocated castration as a solution to Antinous’ dilemma without actually overtly saying so, and which cleverly played on the young Bithynian’s currently delicate emotions, slowly began to bear fruit.

By the time that Antinous was just one month away from his 18th birthday, and whilst he was still enduring Hadrian’s continued irregular interest, the young Bithynian’s confused and unhappy mind had eventually decided that sacrificing his testes was the best answer to his increasingly distressing situation. In line with his earlier pact with Marianus, the boy only confided this selfless conclusion to the devious and privately ecstatic young Roman, who feigned an act of attempted but deliberately unconvincing dissuasion before agreeing to help make the appropriate arrangements.

Antinous was, of course, not displaying any of the wisdom beyond his years for which he had previously been well known. However, true love, or in this case, the potential loss of such passion, can eradicate sagacity and instead encourage people to act imprudently.

Marianus, gleeful at the success of his clever psychological crusade, personally went to visit the local High Priest of Isis, as soon as Hadrian’s courtly entourage had arrived and settled in Hermopolis to await the overdue flood.

If he so desired, Antinous now had access to large amounts of ready money from the unquestioning court treasurer, although his need for such monetary provision was exceedingly rare, being basically restricted to buying gifts for Hadrian in celebration of various anniversaries. Under cover of such an excuse, the boy had acquired the necessary large amount of gold required by Marianus to pay for the secret castration rite without having to provide too many awkward explanations.

The gold, along with his own important status as an Imperial page, enabled Marianus to persuade the High Priest that the castration of Antinous, who was well-known even in Hermopolis, was for reasons private to the boy and his very important older lover. Given the large monetary reward and the fact that disobeying the wishes of Hadrian could be disastrous for the priesthood, the man was more than happy to accept the young Roman’s explanation and commission at face value. He also agreed to the request not to disclose to any outsider at any time what was to occur, readily accepting in the circumstances the clients’ need for such secrecy and the possible dreadful repercussions for his cult if it was not maintained.

As Marianus later left the temple of Isis, having satisfactorily concluded his discussions with the High Priest, his facial grin was wide and his own cock, hidden under his attire, hard at the thought that his long-awaited sweet revenge was almost nigh. The young Roman had organised the young Bithynian’s voluntary castration, which would surely bring disaster onto the boy.

Marianus had also protected himself from the subsequent fallout. He had ensured that he had made Antinous well aware of his fears for his own safety if matters went awry. After all, the young Roman declared, it had been he who had mentioned castration in the first place and had furtively helped with subsequent arrangements. He would therefore undoubtedly be a prime target for Imperial anger.

Marianus additionally claimed that he never really advocated castration but instead just allowed Antinous to arrive at his own conclusions as to the best way forward. His assistance was only of the kind that a true friend would provide, even if he did not fully agree with the action being pursued. The young Roman’s worried entreaties then secured their due reward.

Antinous swore by the gods that he would never reveal Marianus’ role, regardless of the outcome of his testicular sacrifice. The young Roman was very satisfied with the assurance, as he appreciated that his fellow 17 year-old would never break such an oath, even if the boy somehow later perceived his supposed friend’s duplicity.

As Marianus later mulled over his success, he was particularly amused that Antinous, despite his intimacy with Hadrian, had not realised that the Emperor had a real, deeply ingrained dislike for mutilated genitalia. Such distaste would surely mean the end of the love affair between the Emperor and the young Bithynian, after the latter had unwittingly sacrificed his balls in a doomed cause.

Marianus had discovered this Imperial attitude years previously, whilst engaged in pillow talk with Hadrian before the advent of the hated Antinous’ exclusivity in the Emperor’s bed. The young Roman had tested, at the very beginning of his devious campaign of vengeance, whether the young Bithynian was aware of the Princeps’ genuine feelings and had been delighted to discover that his fellow 17 year-old was ignorant of his older lover’s intense antipathy.

On reflection, Marianus was not surprised at the revelation, as Hadrian’s strong aversion usually made him very reluctant to discuss such issues, especially with those he most loved, who all, not least Antinous, recognised and respected the Emperor’s dislike of such topics. The Princeps’ unwillingness to disclose his true opinions perhaps resulted from personal disgust and a subconsciously inspired antagonism towards troubling, what he considered to be, perfect, innocent young boys about such distasteful matters.

Marianus had himself only discovered the truth after accidentally catching Hadrian off-guard by mentioning his own eunuch during idle chat, indulged after some rather drunken lovemaking on the part of the Emperor in his great villa at Tibur. The Princeps had earlier been encouraged to drink more wine than usual because, at the time, he was still suffering mentally by not yet taking the then 13 year-old Antinous to bed.

Given everything, Marianus was now a very happy and satisfied youth, as he emerged into the hot bright outside world from the cool dark innards of the temple of Isis, where he had satisfactorily concluded the arrangements for Antinous’ castration. The evil young Roman’s emotions were evidenced, whilst he ambled back to nearby Hermopolis, by the maintenance of his broad grin and furtive fulsome erection.

(Residence of the local Governor, Hermopolis Magna, banks of the River Nile, Roman Province of Egypt, 1 week later, October 130 AD)

“Where’s Antinous?” Hadrian asked of his attendant servants, after belatedly rising from his bed at noon. The Emperor had not only enjoyed his uninterrupted night’s sleep but also felt much better for the rest. The Princeps therefore considered himself ready to appreciate more of the delights of his young lover’s company, as well as body. However, no one could find the young Bithynian anywhere until an alert Paraetonius admitted to noticing the boy sneak out of the gubernatorial residence before dawn. The concerned eunuch then confessed to trailing the 17 year-old secretly to the temple of Isis but, as he could not also follow inside, he had, after waiting a while and without seeing his young charge re-emerge, reluctantly returned because he had scheduled duties to perform.

“Why did he go there, especially at such a time?” Hadrian asked, but received only unconvincing and understandably incorrect conjecture in return. “Do we know whether he’s still there?” the Emperor enquired next, but now only received negative nods of the head in response.

“Well, let’s go and find out!” an intrigued but not yet alarmed Hadrian commanded, before proceeding to dress as quickly as possible with the help of his servants. However, the procedure was still not as fast as when Antinous alone was the dresser.

(Residence of the local Governor, Hermopolis Magna, banks of the River Nile, Roman Province of Egypt, a few hours later)

No one had ever seen Hadrian in such a frightful mood. Whilst tears flowed from his eyes, the Emperor had run out of the temple of Isis and mounted his horse, whilst beating the breastplate of his cuirass and making genuine attempts to tear his greying hair out. The population of Hermopolis looked on incredulous, as the relatively small Imperial party, with the distraught lachrymose Princeps at the centre, then made its way back to the residence of the local Governor.

In the palatial dwelling, Hadrian locked himself away alone in his quarters, ordering that he was not to be disturbed. Subsequently, loud sobs, punctuated by screams, could be heard emanating from the Imperial rooms, but nevertheless no one saw fit to override the Emperor’s command.

Meanwhile, Mastor, Alexamenos and Corinthus, suddenly alerted to the appalling news, slipped out of the residence and made their own ways to the temple of Isis. The smirking Marianus did not accompany them but instead remained behind, content at the success of his well executed vengeance.

(Temple of Isis, Hermopolis Magna, banks of the River Nile, Roman Province of Egypt, shortly afterwards)

After the earlier terrifying incident involving the Emperor, or rather, in the eyes of the local worshippers of Isis, the Pharaoh and living god, Hadrian, the temple priesthood was too shocked and petrified for their own immediate welfare to prevent the latest young arrivals from venturing as far as the inner sanctum. Mastor, Alexamenos and Corinthus therefore rushed without hindrance to the dark empty sanctuary, but the only sign they found of Antinous was some of his blood on the castration plinth.

The three acutely appalled and worried young Imperial servants subsequently sought out and questioned the High Priest, who was now so fearful for his own prospects and those of his order that he could hardly speak. The nullified man could therefore only point in answer to the trio’s main enquiry, namely “Where’s Antinous?”

The High Priest pointed along the processional way towards the Nile.

(Residence of the local Governor, Hermopolis Magna, banks of the River Nile, Roman Province of Egypt, shortly afterwards)

Hadrian’s overwhelming love and resultant concern for Antinous eventually overcame personal horror and distress, and the Emperor emerged from his quarters, with tears stopped and Imperial emotions back in check. A look of compassionate determination was instead present on the Emperor’s face.

Hadrian then uttered loudly, as he once more left the gubernatorial residence for the temple of Isis, “Antinous, venio; ego te amo!”

(Temple of Isis, Hermopolis Magna, banks of the River Nile, Roman Province of Egypt, earlier, shortly after dawn)

As the priest proceeded with his initial delicate incision, down the middle of Antinous’ smooth scrotum, he felt the boy’s rigid, throbbing penis, gently engulfed for safety by the man’s left hand, quiver, which was not an unusual phenomenon in such circumstances. Neither was the subsequent stream of cum that flowed like a fountain out of the 17 year-old’s body, which was vibrating in intense orgasm.

The priestly face, aided by previous experience, managed to avoid being splattered by the last sperm Antinous would ever produce. However, the young Bithynian’s own immaculate body was not so fortunate, as copious creamy white reproductive fluid landed on his seriously endangered genitalia, belly and chest. Some also found its way onto the boy’s own exquisite facial visage and into the silky golden hair above.

The priest was too expert to be distracted by such a common occurrence for long and continued his work with little pause. Meanwhile, despite his humiliating climax, Antinous was feeling every facet of the genital penetration, as it carefully and gradually lengthened, with the resultant pain gathering in intensity. However, the wondrous boy’s mental distress at the thought that his manhood was being permanently destroyed was greater.

Antinous’ exquisite head suddenly began to thrash violently from side to side, wanting to command ‘Stop!’ before it was too late. However, the perfect boy then remembered the cause for which his sacrifice was being made and a calm descended on him, as he, probably for the first time, truly came to accept his fate.

Antinous looked down to where the priest was still proficiently proceeding with the castration rite. Little blood seemed to be emerging from the cut the nullified man was creating, which was testament to the efficacy of the tourniquet and his own expertise.

The priest’s incision along the centre of Antinous’ scrotum eventually became sufficiently large to enable the man to begin his search for the small white oblongs hidden within. The boy soon felt the anguish of his left testicle being skilfully manipulated by well-practised fingers into the dim light provided by the oil lamps located, on tall ornate metal pedestals, in Isis’ sanctuary.

The priest looked at Antinous’ sublime face again and once more enquired “Do you still want to proceed with the rite?” The gorgeous boy, having already mentally accepted his destiny, courageously responded positively without hesitation.

Antinous was rewarded by the feel of the priest’s ancient well-used knife coming to rest on the boy’s left spermatic cord. As if in response to the imminent severance, the 17 year-old’s still hard cock issued a fresh dollop of semen, which dribbled down the rigidly throbbing penile shaft.

Antinous then uttered a yelp, muted by his gag, when he felt the priest’s blade painfully snip the delicate spermatic cord. The nullified man then lifted up a little, remarkably pristine and bloodless white spheroid that represented half of the previously perfect boy’s masculinity.

With the anguished young half-eunuch watching, the priest examined the extracted testicle briefly before placing the tiny orb in a sacred dish, which rested between Antinous’ splayed and bound legs.

The priest’s fingers now returned to Antinous’ half empty scrotum to complete the boy’s gelding, with the remaining testis, the last vestige of the 17 year-old’s manhood, quickly being located and exposed. The young Bithynian was once more asked whether he still wanted to go on, given that it was not too late to retain his proper masculinity, as possession of just one ball would still enable him to be a true male.

The brave and resolute Antinous again did not delay in conveying his nodded answer and was rewarded with the feel of the priest’s blade now coming to rest on the boy’s right spermatic cord. In a similar response to that experienced previously, the 17 year-old’s cockhead oozed more cum, as the nullified man proceeded with his fateful cut.

The priest’s action painfully severed Antinous’ slightly smaller right testis and instantly turned the most beautiful boy in the world into the most beautiful eunuch.

(Temple of Isis, Hermopolis Magna, banks of the River Nile, Roman Province of Egypt, later, shortly after noon)

Antinous was still lying on the stone plinth before Isis’ altar. However, the most beautiful eunuch in the world had been unbound after his empty scrotum had been skilfully stitched, covered in effective herbal healing balm and bandaged.

Antinous was currently resting on the plinth until it was considered safe for him to be moved to somewhere more comfortable. The new young eunuch’s recuperation had been assisted by a laxative, which had encouraged him to doze peacefully. Meanwhile, his severed testicles had been stored somewhere cool and safe for use in a later ritual in honour of Isis and the person to whom the sacrifice of young manhood was to be dedicated, namely Hadrian.

Antinous’ slumber was, however, sadly interrupted by the noisy arrival of Hadrian and his small Imperial retinue, which now included the puzzled and terrified High Priest. Despite the pervading gloom of Isis’ inner sanctum, the Emperor, still unaware of what had been perpetrated on his youthful lover, immediately recognised the young Bithynian’s form and rushed towards the stone plinth in front of the altar.

As Hadrian came close, he noticed the bandaging applied to Antinous’ groin and loudly enquired of the High Priest “What have you done to him?” “He’s been gelded, Sire,” the latter bluntly, albeit nervously, replied, “in line with his own and, I understood, your desires.”

The High Priest immediately realised that Hadrian’s alleged acquiescence in respect of the recent deed had been a falsehood when the Emperor now went berserk. The Imperial ranting and raving, accompanied by copious tears and barely fathomable, loud, tortured exclamations, only eventually came to a halt when the distraught Princeps noticed that Antinous’ reawakened sensuous blue eyes, displaying clear apprehension, were staring at him.

“Why?” Hadrian screamed enquiringly at Antinous.

“To keep my youth for you,” the frightened young Bithynian answered.

“You silly boy!” Hadrian retorted, with a look of horrified fury on his own bearded face. “I can’t ever love you again if you’ve done that to yourself,” the Emperor then angrily continued, with apparent meaningfulness, before storming out of Isis’ sanctuary, closely followed by all of his retinue, including the deeply worried High Priest. However, the Princeps’ rage would later be directed at himself, as he came to regret deeply, for the rest of his life, his untruthful words and unfortunate action.

Shortly afterwards, despite his genital wound, Antinous, now completely alone and lonely, somehow managed to rise from his resting place to walk towards his immortal destiny.

(Opposite eastern bank of the River Nile from Hermopolis Magna, Roman Province of Egypt, next morning)

Like Mastor, Alexamenos and Corinthus, Hadrian later discovered that Antinous had, despite his genital wound, somehow managed to walk out of the temple of Isis and down the long, deserted processional way towards the Nile. No subsequent sign of the boy had been discovered and so the gravely anguished and regretful Emperor had ordered a large-scale military search of the environs to find his beloved.

It was a party, instinctively led by the young assistant Imperial chamberlain, Mastor, that found a dead body, the victim of drowning, on the opposite, eastern side of the wide Nile from both the temple of Isis and Hermopolis Magna.

(Banks of the River Nile, Roman Province of Egypt, previous day)

Antinous was alone on the currently deserted riverbank. The tearful boy, suffering great mental and physical anguish, removed his bandaging to stand naked besides the waters of the sacred Nile.

The distraught Antinous now incorrectly believed that he had made a misjudgement so grave that he had instantly lost Hadrian’s love, without which he knew that he could not live. However, the intensely melancholic boy also realised that he could perform one last service for his Emperor, and hopefully too for the man’s Empire, by immersing himself in the adjacent sacred waters.

Antinous recalled the ancient Greek ‘anti-psyche’ tradition, which suggested that, by sacrificing oneself, you could add your unused years to the life of the one for whom you died, which was basically a furthering of the concept that love freely given has the power to heal. The young Bithynian also prayed to the gods that his offering could help to bring the much-needed flood.

There was an ancient Egyptian custom whereby volunteers immolated themselves by drowning in the Nile in order to influence the river gods to send better floods. In return, the sacrifices became minor immortal deities. There was currently much local talk of reviving the ritual in order to try to avert famine.

As Antinous began to wade into the cool, gently flowing waters, totally unconcerned by the danger of encountering any of the large, ferocious crocodiles that were resident, the boy therefore prayed to the gods to grant Hadrian and his Empire long continued prosperity. The young Bithynian then found himself swimming to the centre of the river where, divine head bobbing just above the waves, he took one last look at the sunny world of mankind around him.

Final prayers were subsequently followed by a raising of Antinous’ lithe youthful arms towards the heavens, an action which, as the young Bithynian presumed would happen, encouraged his immaculate head and body to slip under the surface. However, before there was soon no trace of the most beautiful boy in existence in the world of mankind, young lungs managed to exclaim loudly “Hadrianus, ego te amo!”

As Antinous sank, he kept his sensuous blue eyes wide open. Suddenly, instead of the dark Nile waters, the young Bithynian saw a mountaintop on which stood a bearded man, flanked by eleven other personages of both genders. The central adult, who was amicably gesturing the boy to approach, was not Hadrian but, as the 17 year-old realised, someone even mightier.

Zeus and his fellow immortals on Olympus were summoning Antinous to where he now belonged.

(Part 4b – Immortality)

‘Boys are an inextricable maze.

Like glue they hold the transitory gaze.

Here Theodorus’ carnal charms attract

You, limbs so round and firm and fully packed.

Here golden-skinned Philocles, who is all

Heavenly grace, although not very tall.

If on Leptinus’ form your eyes you cast,

You cannot budge, your feet will be stuck fast

As adamant; that youngster’s looks are so

Ardent they'll kindle you from top to toe.

Hail, lovely boys! May you attain your prime,

And live until your hair turns white with time.’

- Strato (2nd century Greek poet)

(Banks of the River Nile, Roman Province of Egypt, October 130 AD)

On the day after a dead body was discovered on the opposite bank of the Nile from Hermopolis Magna, the sacred river belatedly began to flood. However, the annual inundation had been well worth waiting for, as it had returned to its normal volume and would guarantee bountiful harvests of wheat in the following year, saving both Egypt and the wider Empire from famine.

Many people connected the finding of the drowned personage with the action of the sacred Nile in literally rising to mankind’s rescue.

(Banks of the River Nile, Roman Province of Egypt, almost 4 years later, summer 134 AD)

The 58 year-old Emperor Hadrian was standing alone before the immense statue, which magnificently and accurately depicted the superlative beauty of the young naked model. The massive carving formed part of the altar in the huge temple, which was dedicated to the last god of the Romans, whose marvellous earthly form was represented by the marble portrayal.

Hadrian had specifically made the journey to Egypt to preside at the official opening of the great temple, which had just been completed in the new city that it was to serve, on the opposite eastern bank of the Nile from Hermopolis Magna. The Emperor had been accompanied from Rome by the sacred relics of which the splendid building was supposed to be the guardian for eternity. The items included a small simple wooden box, with lotus flowers carved into the sides, which contained the most precious earthly possessions of the latest and last god of the Ancient Roman pantheon. However, a gold-coloured medallion, with a tiny charm depicting Eros and made from base metal, was not in the container. It was instead displayed around the neck of the body, embalmed in the Egyptian style, which was to be displayed forever in all its splendour in the magnificent transparent sarcophagus that the Princeps had brought from Alexandria.

Hadrian had originally taken the body back with him to Rome and had even commissioned an Egyptian-style obelisk to mark a burial place in the eternal city [a monument still extant today]. The inscriptions included one that stipulated that, after his death, the boy had been “raised again to life” to become a god, much like another deity then rising in popularity, Jesus Christ. However, the Emperor’s dislike for his capital and recognition that his veneration of a young male foreigner was not popular amongst the citizenry subsequently encouraged the Princeps to transport the embalmed form back to Egypt and the new city. The core population of this metropolis had been chosen by lot from the inhabitants of Ptolemais, which was an upper Nile community renowned for its respect for pure Greek heritage.

Alexamenos and Corinthus had been granted by Hadrian, at their own request, the honour of accompanying the Emperor to Egypt. The now 21 year-olds, currently minor but prosperous Imperial officials, later left the temple, after the opening ceremony, with tears in their eyes. The former boyhood lovers, who had now married well, had often commented to each other, during the long voyage from Rome, how much they missed their deceased friend.

In fact, Alexamenos and Corinthus were to reflect on their deathbeds many years later that barely a day had passed without them thinking of their boyhood friend. This recall had occurred despite long lives in which they had produced many progeny and risen in society to become both patrician Senators and important and capable Provincial Governors. Meanwhile, as 21 year-olds in Egypt, they were comforted by the companionship of someone they had recognised from Athens six years previously.

Alexamenos and Corinthus had met Sarapion again in Alexandria and discovered that the similarly aged Aigionian athlete was engaged on his own pilgrimage to the new city on the eastern banks of the sacred River Nile. The highly successful pentathlete, now a victor in many Games, had wanted to pay his own respects by donating his recently won Olympic olive wreath to the temple dedicated to his dead friend.

Sarapion had not seen his friend since they had met in Athens six years previously, but for two of these years they had regularly written to each other to check mutual wellbeing and to relate the latest developments and adventures in their lives. They had expected to meet once more in Greece after Hadrian’s first visit to Egypt had concluded.

Alexamenos, Corinthus and Sarapion subsequently journeyed north together along the Nile back to Alexandria, in Hadrian’s own luxurious boat. They would then sail from the Egyptian capital towards their separate destinies.

As the trio looked back at the new city, where the roofs of many resplendent buildings were gleaming in the hot overhead sun, they wished their late friend well. Meanwhile, Hadrian, standing alone elsewhere on the resplendent vessel, whilst also viewing the same scene, was to cry profusely until long after the metropolis had faded from view. The ageing Emperor appreciated that he would not again see his beloved in this existence.

Antinous was now resting for eternity in his ornate sarcophagus, in the great temple built for the worship of the latest immortal god of the Roman pantheon, in a great new city that bore the name of someone who had once been the most beautiful boy in the world.

(Provincial Governor’s Palace, Alexandria, Roman Province of Egypt, 1 month later, summer 134 AD)

On his last night in Alexandria before sailing for Rome, Hadrian was led to the rooftop of the gubernatorial residence by his new court astrologer, Paraetonius. The black eunuch, cleared of any blame for Antinous’ castration and suicide, and freed from slavery and promoted in return for his loyal and proficient service for the boy, had always been fascinated by the cosmos. He believed that his love of the night-time sky was in his soul and was perhaps a residual trait of his African heritage.

Hadrian, always interested in other cultures and perspectives, had been happy to appoint Paraetonius as one of his astrologers, if only to obtain alternative views to those propounded by his ethnically Roman and Greek stellar soothsayers. The Emperor also believed that the eunuch might be more gifted and less corrupt in the art, as cosmic advisers had been known to succumb to bribes to deliver certain prophecies, which might somehow be profitable to others.

As Hadrian reached the palace roof, he saw the well-illuminated night-time panorama of Alexandria sparkling all around him. Nearby, towering above other buildings, was the top of the great Pharos lighthouse, one of the wonders of the world, where a perpetual fire burned in order to light the way for sailors to enter the safety of the large local harbour.

Paraetonius pointed into the cloudless night sky. Hadrian followed the eunuch’s outstretched limb to a very important region of the firmament, the constellation of ‘Aquila’, or ‘Eagle’, where a new star, which had not been there before, had suddenly appeared.

Paraetonius suggested that the appearance of the star, coincidental to Antinous’ permanent return to Egypt, was proof that the beautiful boy had taken his place in the heavens in the manner of the divine heroes of myth. The eunuch added that the fact that the celestial body had appeared within the wings of the heavenly eagle further enforced a sacred comparison of Hadrian and Antinous with Zeus and Ganymede, who was the son of Tros, founder of Troy.

Zeus had assumed aquiline form to snatch, from Mount Ida, the gorgeous young Trojan with the yellow hair to be his cup-bearer on Olympus. The paramount god had later set the image of the boy amongst the stars, as the constellation of Aquarius, the water-carrier.

The new star was actually a nova, whose temporary brilliance outshone all others in the heavens. Hadrian was deeply moved by the appearance and, following Zeus’ example, decreed that a new constellation should be drawn in the sky, named after his beloved Antinous.

Hadrian was now very glad that he had lived to see this moment, which to him was confirmation of Antinous’ immortal divinity, as he had almost died four years previously when his grief for his lost beloved had been extensive and extreme.

Hadrian had locked himself away in his quarters in Hermopolis Magna, refusing to see anyone or eat or drink anything. The Emperor instead occupied his time with much wailing and self-exprobration, with his sleepless lamentations and fasting causing much fear amongst his courtiers, who thought that the most powerful man in the world might have lost his mind and will to live. Fortunately, the equally distraught but more controlled Mastor put an end to the Imperial tantrums.

Mastor bravely entered Hadrian’s opulent rooms without permission and addressed the Emperor in a previously unprecedented resolute manner. The then 20 year-old basically told the Princeps to stop feeling sorry for himself, as Antinous would not appreciate such behaviour.

Mastor, encouraged by Hadrian’s sudden quietude in reaction to the reference to his beloved, then advised the Emperor that he instead had a duty to honour the deceased young Bithynian’s body with the appropriate funeral rites and then, as Antinous would have wanted, to attend to his Imperial duties. The Princeps’ temporary insanity immediately disappeared, as he appreciated the wisdom of his young assistant chamberlain’s words.

Nevertheless, Hadrian was to remain in mourning for the remaining eight years of his life, during which time the Emperor’s health began seriously to deteriorate. The frequent spells of Imperial tiredness that had indirectly led to Antinous’ unfortunate demise were, in fact, the early signs of the lingering fatal illness that was gradually to overwhelm the Princeps, with its onset perhaps accelerated and exacerbated by the tragedy on the Nile.

It was not subsequently Hadrian’s idea to deify Antinous but rather that of the Egyptian priesthood, representing all local gods, and there were two main reasons why the proposal was made. First, the boy genuinely appeared to deserve the honour because of the nature of his death, which emulated that of Osiris and ancient ritual, and the fact that his suicide had immediately brought forth the much needed belated Nile flood. Second, the clergy was terrified that the role of some of their number in the young Bithynian’s castration and subsequent self-sacrifice might cause their Pharaoh to purge them all, as well as destroy their temples. They hoped that their flattering suggestion might instead help to mollify the Emperor and eliminate the possibility of such devastating Imperial reaction.

Hadrian left Egypt two months after Antinous’ death. The Emperor subsequently surrounded himself in his palaces, especially the one at Tibur, with many sculptures of the boy as a god. The Princeps also authorised the construction and dedication of numerous public temples and statues to the new young deity throughout the Empire, as well as commissioning the young Bithynian’s largest monument, the Nile city of Antinioopolis.

The red lotus flower was quickly renamed ‘antinoeios’, with wreaths of the scarlet flora given to winners in the athletics’ Games Hadrian regularly sponsored in memory of Antinous. Sarapion prided such symbols of victory above all else, including those he won at the Olympics. Many schools and gymnasia were also built at Imperial command in honour of the new young god.

The poet, Pancrates, wrote an epic poem about the last lion hunt involving Antinous, during which Hadrian interceded to save the boy’s life. The Emperor granted copious honours to the writer and soon many other verses, dedicated to the new young god, abounded.

Hadrian’s eager acceptance of the conjecture of the Egyptian priesthood that Antinous had become an immortal god is perhaps not unexpected. However, the fact that worship of the new young deity not only became widespread, being present in at least seventy cities of the Roman Empire, but also outlived the death of the Princeps by several centuries, until finally being brutally suppressed by Christian Emperors, might seem surprising. Artefacts relating to the boy have been found as far apart as the Netherlands and Portugal in the west and Egypt, Lebanon and the shores of the Black Sea in the east.

In fact, there were several reasons for such ready acceptance of Antinous as a god, particularly in the Greek east and wherever else Hellenic culture still had influence.

First, for the Greeks, with their liberal acceptance of pederasty as a social norm, there was undeniable appeal for the concept of a boy of their own race who became a hero in the cause of love. The new young god, being a personification of the beauty and spirit of male youth, was particularly popular with homosexuals. He was also sometimes associated with Hermes, the renowned mediator, or Dionysus, patron of the arts, wine, cordiality and fertility, or other local deities.

Second, many Greeks genuinely believed in Hadrian’s own divinity, a by-product of the immense liking and benevolence the Emperor had shown towards the Hellenic world. Temples and statues dedicated to the Princeps as a god were prolific in the eastern provinces, and it was not too big a step to accept his heroic young lover, Antinous, beloved of the Imperial deity on earth, into the pantheon of lesser gods.

Except for that in Antinoopolis, the temples of Antinous were mostly modest buildings. However, the young god was offered birth and death festivals and rites, filled with many mysteries and initiations, most devised by Hadrian himself, as well as daily donations of food and drink and occasional more valuable offerings.

Coins were also struck to commemorate Antinous, whose image was the only one ever to appear on the currency of the Empire that was not a reproduction of an Emperor, a member of an Imperial family or a mythological personage. On much of the money, the young god is portrayed as a divine hero, a boy who gained immortality through selfless value, virtue and deed. For centuries, the likeness of the young deity, often converted from such coinage, was also worn as a talisman against evil.

Astronomers also accepted the constellation of Antinous for over 1700 years, as it was to appear on stellar maps up to the 19th century. Unfortunately, however, prudes, who frowned upon the historical background to the name, then chose to excise it from their charts, combining the formation with that of Aquila and thereby erasing from the modern sky memory of the most beautiful boy who had ever lived.

(Temple of Antinous, Antinoopolis, banks of the River Nile, Roman Province of Egypt, 42 years later, summer 176 AD)

The 55 year-old Emperor Marcus Aurelius was standing alone before the immense statue of Antinous, which magnificently and accurately depicted the superlative beauty of the young naked model. The massive carving formed part of the altar in the huge temple, which was dedicated to the last god of the Romans, whose marvellous earthly form was not only represented by the marble portrayal but also still existed in the crystal sarcophagus, lying on a plinth before the great edifice.

Marcus Aurelius had made the journey to Egypt for a number of reasons. However, amongst the foremost was his desire to make a pilgrimage to this temple to offer his thanks and prayers to someone he had met only a few times, almost half a century before. Despite such fleeting acquaintance, the current Emperor knew, from comments made by his early patron, Hadrian, how important that meeting had been, for not only his own future but also that of Rome.

As Marcus Aurelius paid his private respects to the immortal Antinous, chatting amicably outside were two sexagenarians, both of whom had known each other from boyhood. One was two years older than the other and had served three Emperors in important court capacities and, despite his advanced years, was still accompanying the current occupant of the Principate in such a position. The other old man had resided in Antinoopolis for 46 years and was now the High Priest of the temple.

“By the pristine look of the temple,” the older sexagenarian commented, in a tone that proved genuine satisfaction, “you’ve certainly honoured Antinous by conscientiously caring for his place of rest this past forty years or so.” “It was the least that I could do for him,” the High Priest replied.

“I just hope that your successors are as worthy,” the older sexagenarian then further remarked, concerned as always for the continued wellbeing of the relics of someone whom he had never stopped loving. “Oh,” replied the other, “I don’t believe that you should have any fears about that!” He then introduced his affable and able son, aged in his late 30s, and equally pleasant and efficient grandson, who was about 20. They were both attired in priestly costumes.

Shortly afterwards, when Marcus Aurelius had finally emerged from the temple, the two sexagenarians said their farewells. “I don’t suppose we’ll meet again in this world,” the elder suggested, “but I’m sure that’ll we’ll see each other in the next in Antinous’ company.” However, the younger protested “I don’t think that he’ll want to reacquaint himself with me!”

“Oh, you shouldn’t worry about that,” retorted the elder, whilst exhibiting a smile of attempted reassurance, which he knew that his dead friend would expect in the circumstance, “as Antinous won’t have changed. He was always very understanding and forgiving. He won’t bear any grudges, especially as you’ve looked after the relics of his earthly presence so well all these years. He’ll just want your genuine friendship instead this time!” “Do you really think so?” the younger asked hopefully.

“Yes,” Mastor answered truthfully. Marianus then burst into tears, as such forgiveness was almost too much for him to take.

Marianus had wanted to ruin Antinous’ relationship with Hadrian, not be responsible for the boy’s suicide. The Roman had subsequently spent 46 years trying to atone for his jealousy-inspired evil.

(Imperial Palace, Palatine Hill, Rome, over 38 years previously, January 138 AD)

Hadrian, now a widower, knew that he was dying. The Emperor had also just been informed that his nominated successor, a certain Lucius Ceionius Commodus, had sadly predeceased him.

Hadrian appreciated that his time in this world was now likely to be short and that he therefore had to decide quickly on a worthy fresh nomination, if he did not want his lifetime work destroyed. The Emperor’s sexual proclivities and hatred for his late wife had prevented the production of personal offspring and consequently the Princeps would have to adopt formally the person who would succeed him.

Hadrian was wondering whom to nominate when his mind, as it now often did, drifted into remembrance of his beloved Antinous. On this particular occasion, the Emperor recalled the day, 11 years previously, he had spent with the then 14 year-old in the Imperial Palace on the Palatine, whilst granting audiences to Roman Senators.

Hadrian especially remembered Antinous’ description of one particular Senator and he suddenly knew instantly who should be the next Emperor,

(Imperial Palace, Palatine Hill, Rome, over 1 month later, February 138 AD)

Hadrian had just returned from the Senate to his palace on Rome’s Palatine Hill.

The quiescent members of the legislature, many of whom hated Hadrian for executing some of their number for conspiracies, reducing their powers and otherwise ignoring them, had unanimously fawningly approved the Emperor’s new proposals for the succession. Most Senators also now waited eagerly for the event to happen.

Over a month before, Hadrian, in his daydream, had especially remembered Antinous’ description of Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Antoninus and he suddenly knew instantly who should be the next Emperor, whilst he himself journeyed from this life into Hades. The boy had suggested of Antoninus “In my view, he’s the type of diplomatically honest, bravely honourable and unselfishly capable man to whom you could safely depute the running of the Empire whilst you enjoy your travels!”

As a result of Hadrian’s daydreaming, Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Antoninus had just been formally adopted in the Senate as the Emperor’s son and heir. He was also granted tribunician power and proconsular imperium. After his subsequent succession, the new Princeps was additionally awarded the title of ‘Pius’ for his sense of duty in persuading a reluctant Senate to deify his predecessor.

The new Emperor was thereafter known as Antoninus Pius. He also had his own newly adopted son, a development Hadrian had insisted on after another daydream involving Antinous. In this, he recalled the boy saying “Young Verissimus would make an ideal grandson for you, given his clearly very worthy aptitudes and noble Hispanian background. I’m sure he’d be someone who could worthily succeed to the Principate one day!”

On his own adoption by Antoninus Pius, the now 18 year-old Marcus Annius Verus changed his name to Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. He succeeded to the Principate 23 years later, to become Rome’s only philosopher-Emperor.

Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius were to be amongst Rome’s greatest Princeps. They, the Empire and posterity therefore owed much to a certain beautiful, astute and now immortal boy from Bithynia.

(Imperial Villa, Baiae [on the Bay of Naples], Campania, almost 5 months later, 10th July 138 AD)

After naming Antoninus as his heir, Hadrian withdrew completely from public life. The Emperor had earlier spent much time at Tibur, narrating his autobiography to a scribe, whilst sitting in the shadow of a monumental statue of his beloved Antinous. However, having completed this work and the arrangements for a revised succession, the Princeps lost all desire to live or to return to his great villa. The residence was only bringing him memories, increasingly painful to his tortured mind, of the happy times he had spent there with the most beautiful boy in the world.

Hadrian therefore decided to spend the last moments of his earthly life in a more modest dwelling at Baiae. This still palatial residence overlooked the frequently sparkling blue waters of the Bay of Naples. However, every time the Emperor glanced at the sea, he tried his best not to compare the colour to that of Antinous’ sensuous eyes.

The 62 year-old Hadrian now believed that he had completed his life’s work. The Emperor had previously somehow summoned up enough energy and motivation to continue conscientiously to fulfil his duties after losing Antinous. In doing so, the Princeps was primarily spurred by a desire not to be reprimanded by the delightful boy if they met again in the next world, although he was no longer confident that his life might be rewarded with such a satisfactory posthumous conclusion.

In fact, Hadrian was to leave behind many splendid monuments of his own throughout his domains, and not just of bricks and mortar. The sound efficacy and morality of most of his administrative, legal and military reforms, many of which were to last as long as the Empire itself, were to be testament to claims by later scholars that he was one of Rome’s best Emperors, if not the greatest.

Hadrian had also presided over a largely pacific Empire, thanks to his wisdom in restraining territorial expansion and going out of his way to establish peaceful relations with neighbours. However, it has to be sadly admitted that the one major conflict of his reign, the lengthy and bloody suppression of the Jewish revolt in Judaea, which was to have so many terrible repercussions down to the modern era, was largely caused by his own bad decisions. It is no coincidence that the consequences of such unusually poor judgement only began to manifest themselves after Antinous’ death, when the boy was no longer around to proffer remedial sage advice.

As Hadrian’s physical and mental distress, resulting from the pain of his illness and the anguish of living without Antinous, became increasingly unbearable, the impatient Emperor decided that he had done and suffered enough in this existence and that it was time for his nominated successor to assume the Imperial mantle. He therefore turned to active attempts at suicide.

Hadrian asked Mastor, now the 27 year-old Imperial chamberlain, to help him but the young man refused, surviving the Emperor’s wrath in the process only because of his earlier relationship with the beloved Antinous. The young Germanian also lived after later disarming his master’s weakened hand of a knife. However, the court physician was not so lucky. The doctor preferred to take poison himself rather than obey the Princeps’ command to prescribe the potion to him.

The enraged Hadrian, bitterly commenting that he had the power to kill everyone but himself, then ordered the deaths, with the exception of Mastor, of all those who stood in way of his own suicide. However, his prospective heir, Antoninus, calmly rescinded the instructions and the Emperor continued to suffer.

Finally, Hadrian, at the age of 62, took an overdose of medication. Realising that his end was at last nigh, the Emperor had just written his own pessimistic epitaph, despite the shaking of his hand. The Princeps penned the verse:-

“Animula vagula blandula

hospes comesque corporis

quae nunc abibis in loca

pallidula rigida nudula

nec ut soles dabis iocos!”

(“Vagrant soul, you tender one,

Guest and fellow of the body,

Now you have to descend into places

Pallid and rigid and nude,

Nor will you be playful as you used to be!”)

As Hadrian waited for the drugs to take fatal effect, he looked once more at the nearby statue of his beloved Antinous. The Emperor was displaying, what was now, a very rare smile, as he contemplated the one iota of comfort that he had gleaned from the young Bithynian’s tragic self-sacrifice in entering the sacred waters of the Nile eight years previously.

Hadrian believed that Antinous’ subsequent deification had granted the young Bithynian immortality, whereas, if he had merely continued unassumingly in his role of Imperial favourite, he would probably have disappeared forever from history. However, the nature of his death, and the Emperor’s and the wider Empire’s response to it, had surely assured an eternal place in future remembrance for the most beautiful boy who had ever lived.

As Hadrian continued to stare at the statue, he suddenly somehow saw his beloved come to life. Antinous was now on a mountaintop standing next to a bearded man, who was himself flanked by eleven other personages of both genders. The central young beauty and the adjacent adult were both amicably gesturing the Emperor to approach.

Antinous, Zeus and their fellow immortals on Olympus were summoning Hadrian to where he too now belonged.

In response, Hadrian uttered his last words, which were overheard by the arriving Mastor.

Hadrian declared “Antinous, venio; ego te amo!”

THE END

of

‘DEATH ON THE NILE’

by Pueros

(Hadrian, as a boy and a youth, will appear in later chapters of the continuing ‘Nero’ by the same author.)

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