Nero 33


By: pueros

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[WARNING] [BI] [PENECTOMY] [TESTICLES] [NULLIFICATION] [MINOR]

This is the thirty-third chapter of the autobiography of Bicilus, reputedly transcribed from the original Latin parchments and passed down through time until this version was discovered, translated and adapted for publication. The chapter describes some more of the happenings in Rome and the city’s vast Empire after the return from exile to the Imperial capital of Seneca the Younger.


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NERO

By Pueros

Chapter XXXIII – Adoptions

(Dacia, Iul. DCCCLIX, in the 8th year of the reign of the Emperor Trajan [July, AD 106])

‘The more I think about history, ancient or modern, the more ironical all human affairs seem!’

- Tacitus (‘Annals’, III.17)

As I recall my long and, it has to be admitted, eventful life for my worthy scribe, I am aware that my presence on this world will not last much longer. However, despite exposure to many religious beliefs, I remain unsure as to where I shall go once I breathe my last.

I recognise that my adoption of an affinity for Cybele actually results mainly from the sincere devotion that my friend, Axenius, acquired for the goddess, especially after the incident with the old female soothsayer on the Vatican. The fact that the cult is dominated by fellow eunuchs has also certainly influenced me. However, my liking is not testament to any firm belief in either this deity or those of the mainstream Roman and Greek pantheons. Consequently, my mind harbours doubts about the existence of Hades as my ultimate destination.

I also have distrust for other religions, including the new Christian sect, whose success during my lifetime has been exemplified by the adoption of this faith by many people who were subsequently willing to die rather than recant their beliefs. Much of my scepticism relating to this creed arises from discrepancies in the life story of the founder, Jesus, which differs depending on who relates the tale.

When you listened to the people who actually knew Jesus, such as his brother, James, or friend, Cephas, you hear a much different version than if Paul or one of his followers, who never met Christ, relates the biography.

I have read copies of scrolls, written in Greek in my lifetime by supporters of Paul, who used the names Matthew, Mark, Luke and John, although I suspect that these are pseudonyms. Amongst their works, they, for example, relate the incredible birth of Jesus, supposedly the Son of God, from a virgin in Bethlehem, whilst attended by wise men, shepherds and a resplendent star. However, Cephas personally told me that Christ was one of five sons of parents called Joseph and Mary, with James the eldest brother, and that there was nothing unusual about his parentage or birth, which actually took place in Nazareth.

According to Cephas, as Jesus later entered manhood, he became greatly influenced by a Jewish prophet, called John the Baptist, who became his religious and political mentor. I note that the importance of this man in Christ’s life has been downgraded in Pauline literature, possibly because the writers did not wish to undermine their contention that the subject of their biographies was divine.

Other inconsistencies, particularly about supposed miracles, convince me that Paul’s version of Jesus’ life, which now appears to be predominant, has more to do with the apostle’s dreams than reality, with such fantasies also conveniently very useful as propaganda for spreading the faith. I therefore prefer Cephas’ own description, which suggests that Christ was a mortal man like any other, but one with a religious message concerning the reform of Judaism, for the political undertones of which he was, like his mentor, John the Baptist, ultimately executed at the behest of conservative Jews. Many of the latter had lucrative holy interests or religious power-bases to protect.

Cephas himself, as well as James and his allies in Jerusalem, might have reached a compromise with Paul about gentile converts, involving the removal of the need for circumcision and adherence to kosher diets. However, these particular apostles, steeped in tradition, always considered that what they were preaching was reformed Judaism, whereas the now predominant Pauline ethos seems, to me, more akin to the creation of a completely new creed.

Paul and his followers have also been careful in their writings not to upset Roman sensitivities. A remarkable feature of the works of Matthew, Mark, Luke and John is the sparse mention given to Romans when, during Jesus’ lifetime, Latin legions were responsible for the often brutal suppression of Palestina. The situation is akin to me writing about the recent history of Britannia without mentioning Claudius’ conquest of my homeland, or the subsequent military occupation and pacification of the people.

I suspect that the desire of Paul and his followers not to upset the Imperial power stems from two principal factors. First, the Christians have suffered so much recent hysterical persecution that they do not want to invite more. Second, they want to tempt Romans and similar peoples to convert, and criticism could be a deterrent.

The reasons why Pauline Christian doctrine is now predominant are similarly twofold. First, Paul and his followers proved to be proficient exporters and promoters of their version of the faith, an achievement undoubtedly helped, as I have mentioned, by jettisoning certain Jewish practices, which were unpopular with gentiles. Second, the conservative faction, led by James and centred parochially on Jerusalem, was devastated during a great revolt in Palestina, which I shall relate in more detail later because Titus Flavius Vespasianus and his older son played major roles in its suppression.

My scepticism regarding Pauline Christianity also partly arises because I firmly believe that my beloved Gaius propounds a better philosophy. However, I shall relate the reasons for this personal view at a more appropriate time later in my saga.

Meanwhile, I shall tell you why, 56 years ago, I felt compelled to banish the beautiful young man from Volsinii temporarily from both my life and Rome.

(Imperial palace, Rome, 56 years previously, summer DCCCIII A.V.C., in the 9th year of the reign of the Emperor Claudius [summer, AD 50])

‘Dulcis vita.’

(‘A pleasant life.’)

– Lucretius (‘De Rerum Natura’)

Many of the characters in my saga had once more passed birthdays. I was now 18, although I believe that I still looked a couple of years younger. Certainly, Gaius’ passion for my blonde, blue-eyed looks had not lessened. His continued liking might have been helped by the fact that, whenever any invariably weak sign of body hair appeared on my form, usually under my arms or just above my gelded genitalia, I quickly shaved it away during my comprehensive and lengthy daily ablutions. I knew my young lover’s tastes and desperately wanted to preserve my boyish looks for him for as long as possible.

I think that Gaius was somehow aware of the careful bodily preparations I underwent for him daily, possibly from my fellow 18 year-old, my amused palace roommate, Apollinus, who was a regular witness to them. However, my young lover kindly and diplomatically never appraised me of his knowledge. The beautiful young man from Volsinii, himself now 20 years old, instead merely demonstrated his appreciation, of the care I took to look clean and pretty myself for him, in the most natural manner in the world.

Our lives had settled into a not unpleasant routine, helped considerably by the return of Seneca to Rome and his recruitment to the service of Agrippina and her son. The man’s wise counsel of the former and tutoring of the latter had had a marked calming influence, on not only the pair’s actions and aspirations but also palace business in general. However, the new Empress’ lofty ambitions, for herself and her offspring, had not been eliminated. They were instead merely being more astutely pursued. As I shall reveal, this avaricious pursuit of power would soon successfully produce the first highly significant changes at the Imperial court.

Meanwhile, wider Imperial affairs were relatively quiet, particularly when the vast size of the Empire was taken into account. The expulsion of Jews from Rome had been followed by a Jewish riot in Jerusalem, the suppression of which had caused the slaughter of many thousands, and an invasion of Roman Germania by the Chatti had been crushed by a general named Pomponius. The slow conquest of Britannia was also proceeding satisfactorily.

(Britannia, same time)

‘Divina natura dedit agros, ars humana aedificavit urbes.’

(‘Divine nature gave us fields, human skill built our cities.’)

- Varro

When the Romans invaded my homeland of Britannia seven years previously, they moved north from the coast and, despite clashing with local tribesmen, managed to traverse a mighty river. In the present year of DCCCIII, the conquering soldiers were engaged on building a permanent wooden bridge across this broad, deep, tidal waterway, at a location ideal for the berthing of sea-going ships.

The bridge and growing naval activity eventually attracted settlers to the area, which was low-lying but well-drained, with geology suitable for the important industry of brick-making. All of this activity led to the growth of a flourishing new town, which was to be named after the Celtic appellation of a local farmstead.

The town was called Londinium.

Meanwhile, to the northwest, a Roman army, under Publius Ostorius Scapula, had finally apparently cornered the renegade Caratacus on a hilltop. However, the chieftain of my own tribe somehow managed to escape and flee to seek sanctuary in the mountainous western lands of the Brigantes.

(Germania Inferior, same time)

‘Young people are in a condition like permanent intoxication, because youth is sweet and they are growing.’

Aristotle (‘Nicomachean Ethics’)

In honour of his wife, Claudius had afforded Agrippina’s birthplace in Germania Inferior the status of a colony for the settlement of auxiliary soldiers, who had been granted Roman citizenship on conclusion of their 25-year service. The chief town of the local tribe, the Ubii, was where the Empress’ father, and Emperor’s deceased brother, the renowned general, Germanicus, had been stationed when his second daughter had been born.

The Princeps renamed the community ‘Colonia Claudia Ara Augusta Agrippinensium’. However, as this is rather a mouthful, the appellation is normally abbreviated to ‘Colonia Agrippina’. I now sometimes wonder how the place will be known to future generations, as I suspect that the Imperial suffix will not survive the test of time.

Marcus Salvius Otho was currently reluctantly arriving in Colonia Agrippina, in the company of his father, Lucius Salvius Otho. In previous years, the 18 year-old’s rear would have borne the marks of the latest flogging received from his parent for his most recent naughty escapade. However, because of his age, the punishment this time instead entailed this laborious journey to a distant grim northern outpost of the Empire, where the young man had no friends or interests, and where the summer weather was far more uncertain than in Rome.

Lucius had been a Consul of Rome 17 years previously and had been a trusted administrator under the Emperors Tiberius, Gaius Caligula and Claudius. However, he had begun to believe that his son’s frequent mischief resulted partly because of his own frequent enforced lengthy absences from the capital on Imperial business.

On this occasion, Lucius had therefore decided to exercise his ‘patria potestas’, or ‘father’s power’, to take the unruly Marcus with him to Germania Inferior rather than beat his son. The latter action would not only have been completely acceptable, even for someone as old as 18, but also common in Roman society. However, current paternal punitive action was not necessarily more merciful, as the young penitent was to discover.

Lucius’ expeditionary aim was fourfold. He intended to keep a more watchful eye on Marcus, teach, by absenting his son from the luxuries of Rome, a different type of lesson than flogging would have provided, show the 18 year-old some of the Imperial provinces and provide him with an insight into his father’s work.

The family came from Ferentium in Etruria, where Marcus had been born on the 28th day of Aprilis eighteen years earlier. Their roots were exemplified by their cognomen of ‘Otho’, which is Etruscan in origin. The young man’s grandfather, another Marcus Salvius Otho, had become a Roman Senator but had not subsequently advanced beyond the rank of Praetor. His mother, Albia Terentia, was also nobly born.

The latest miscreant escapade of Marcus, whom I shall hereon revert to calling ‘Otho’, had involved roving about Rome at night to ensnare drunkards in blankets and throw them into the River Tiber to sober up. This had now brought him temporarily to Colonia Agrippina, where the young man recognised instantly that he would have much preferred flagellation if that meant he could have remained in the Imperial capital. However, one of his two younger confederates in the recent prank, which had gone wrong when they failed to notice, in darkness, the Senatorial toga on their last victim, would currently have preferred to be in Germania Inferior.

(Domus of Rubellius Plautus, Rome, same time)

‘Quaedam iura non scripta sed omnibus scriptis certiora sunt.’

(‘Some laws are unwritten but they are better established than all written ones.’)

- Seneca the Elder

Despite his exalted social status, as a great grandson of Tiberius, Gaius Rubellius Plautus, was not to be spared a taste of thin painful leather across his backside. The handsome youth was the son of Julia Livilla, whom I have already advised was the younger sister of Agrippina, whose exile, for alleged adultery with Seneca, and then death were orchestrated by Messalina. The now 17 year-old was therefore the nephew of the new Empress and cousin of Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, and accordingly someone with almost as good a claim to the purple as the latter.

Nevertheless, Rubellius Plautus was currently safe from Agrippina’s intrigues because she liked her generally reserved nephew, particularly his very pleasant physical form, which she intended to seduce when the time was right. Any rivalry for the Imperial succession that might arise from the youth also seemed to be undermined by the fact that he no longer had the benefit of influential parents, who could espouse his cause. The 17 year-old was an orphan, his father having died from natural causes.

The sad parental situation made Rubellius Plautus a far less dangerous candidate for the Principate than might otherwise have been the case, especially as Agrippina had decided to keep a special quasi-maternal eye on him. The Empress also appreciated that her 17 year-old nephew and 12 year-old son had once been supposedly amicable acquaintances, when they had frequently spent time with Marcus Salvius Otho and the other members of that particular young patrician’s schoolboy gang. She realised that there had been some subsequent alienation but hoped that the two cousins might now become friendly again, for Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus seemed to be an increasingly lonely youngster.

Agrippina was not, of course, aware that the pair had once, when younger and under Otho’s gang leadership, beaten the naked rears of 13 year-old equestrians called Persius and Quintilianus in a secluded glade near to the Via Flamina. Nor was she knowledgeable of the fact that P and Q, neither of whom she currently knew, had later secured sweet revenge by making their tormentors, including her son, run naked through the crowded streets of Rome. Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus had been far too shamed about the incident to complain to his mother about the matter, with his silence reinforced by recognition that such moaning would break the code of honour prevalent amongst upper class schoolboys.

Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus had, however, subsequently been outraged that the other young victims of the revenge of Persius and Quintilianus had not only chosen to laugh the matter off but also become very friendly with the pair of equestrians. The aggrieved boy had wanted Otho’s gang to secure retribution instead, and so he terminated his relationships with his former playmates in disgust at the lack of action.

Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus later came to rue his decision bitterly when no other boys he liked came forward to replace his erstwhile companions. There were plenty of young sycophants pressed into his company by unctuous fathers and mothers but, despite his lifelong liking for fawning acquaintances, he began to regret deeply his inability to develop true friendships. Unfortunately, his reaction was not to try to rectify the situation by force of amicable personality but to treat his new playmates, forced into obsequiousness by parental ambition, with arrogant contempt, which only exacerbated the situation.

Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus’ attitude was made more acute by jealousy. He had noticed how genuinely popular his younger stepbrother, Britannicus, was with boys of a similar age. He was therefore very envious, especially of the young prince’s close friendship with Titus.

Meanwhile, Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus’ tutor, Seneca, was aware of the problem regarding his young charge’s persona. However, the recently returned exile appreciated that such a deeply ingrained external demeanour could not be beaten out of his young charge or otherwise overcome overnight. He therefore proposed to tackle the issue carefully over time, using psychologically healing carrot more than physically harming stick, although the latter would, in the man’s philosophy, still have a deterrent use.

Agrippina’s recent attempt to encourage her son and her nephew into a reconciliation had proved a disaster and not because of the four year age gap between the boys. Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus had become so accustomed to treating his peers with haughty disdain that he exhibited the same attitude with Rubellius Plautus, after his mother had been instrumental in reintroducing them to each other. The two important young members of the Julio-Claudian clan would remain estranged for the rest of their lives.

Agrippina was no fool and recognised where the fault lay for the continued frostiness between the two young cousins and so her own attitude to the very handsome Rubellius Plautus remained unchanged. As the leader of the familial group, which was supervising her nephew’s upbringing, the Empress even sought Seneca’s valuable skilled help in sorting the youth’s recently reported uncharacteristic wildness. Apparently, the company the 17 year-old was keeping, in the shape of Marcus Salvius Otho, was regularly leading to mischief and trouble.

Seneca was happy to accept the commission. After all, he had been a close friend, although truly not a lover, of the youth’s late mother, Julia Livilla.

As Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus had already found out, being closely connected to the Imperial family was no salvation from his bottom being beaten by Seneca. Rubellius Plautus was now to discover the same truism.

“Please strip naked!” Seneca, holding a thin but sturdy leather crop in his hand, politely commanded of Rubellius Plautus, in the large secluded garden of the youth’s own domus.

(Imperial palace, Rome, same time)

‘….Eros, fairest among the deathless gods, who unnerves the limbs and overcomes the mind and wise counsels of all gods and all men within them.’

- Hesiod (‘Theogony’)

I was alone in my room at the Imperial palace, feeling melancholy that Gaius would again not visit me that day or for many days to come. My only solace was that I had been excused attending to Claudius when he visited the Amphitheatre of T. Statilius Taurus, on the Campus Martius, for the gladiatorial games. The Emperor was now aware of my dislike of the bloody spectacle, which normally cost the lives of many humans and animals. The Princeps therefore considerately always took a different food taster with him to the day-long event.

Claudius would be sharing the Imperial box with his Empress, Agrippina, son, Britannicus, and stepson, Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, as well as his friend, Aulus Plautius, and the renowned general’s own two delightful male offspring. The younger was now a very pretty 7 year-old, whilst the elder, Suffuscus, whose adoption into the noble family had taken place over three years previously, had blossomed into a 13 year-old brown haired and eyed beauty.

Aulus Vitellius was present but noticeable by their absence from Claudius’ company in the amphitheatre were Titus Flavius Vespasianus senior and Servius Sulpicius Galba. The latter pair appreciated that, because of previous social allegiances, they were not highly regarded by Agrippina, and so they had decided that it would be politic to absent themselves from court circles, as well as to adopt low profiles elsewhere. Their decision was to keep them away from the centre of Imperial power for many years but nevertheless proved very wise.

Titus Flavius Vespasianus junior was still in Britannicus’ company, with the two 9 year-olds attended by the very loyal, efficient and beautiful Imperial slave, Apollinus, himself now 18. Meanwhile, the supercilious Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus tried to display an air of disinterest in the fellow youngsters watching the bloody spectacle from Claudius’ box in the amphitheatre, whilst being looked after by his own young servant of Greek origin, Epaphroditus.

Other guests included many important Senators. Claudius spent much time in ensuring that the Senate, members of which had been both hostile to his accession and troublesome thereafter, was compliant. The Emperor had tried to diffuse opposition by being meticulous in following the legislature’s procedures, as well as honouring some of the more unfriendly elements in the ancient institution.

Claudius hosted banquets for Senators and their wives, and visited sick members. He even once chided the legislators for being too timid in merely echoing his own opinions without expressing ones of their own.

Claudius spent so much time and trouble over placating the Senate because he had become very fearful of treason from potential rivals for the purple, a paranoia fed by both actual conspiracies and wifely intrigue, originally that of Messalina. The latter’s fateful attempt to seize power, in conjunction with the late unlamented Caius Silius, had only added to the Emperor’s anxiety.

Claudius’ concerns had originally stemmed from the circumstances of his accession, which I have already described, and the first truly dangerous plot against his Principate a year later. The governor of Dalmatia, L. Arruntius Camillus Scribonianus, had rebelled, with the support of the prominent senators A. Caecina Paetus, Annius Vinicianus and Q. Pomponius Secundus. Ironically, the leader of the attempted coup had, several years earlier, almost become the Emperor’s brother-in-law but his sister, Livia Medullina, had died on the proposed wedding day.

The revolt lasted five days until it was crushed with the particular help of the VII and XI legions, which thereafter earned the title of ‘Claudia Pia Fidelis’, or ‘Claudius’ Own Faithful’. It remains uncertain whether Scribonianus wanted to become Emperor or recreate the republic. However, whatever the motive, the rebellious governor eventually fled to the island of Issa, where he committed suicide. Paetus also killed himself, whilst the other main conspirators were executed, with their naked bodies then dragged through Rome, on hooks through the chin, to the tall Gemonian stairs on the Aventine Hill.

The corpses were then left to rot on these steps, which lead from the Capitol to the Forum and ultimately to the Tiber, before being thrown into the river. Such treatment of patrician deceased was a disgrace unimaginable under the Republic but practised by the Julio-Claudian Emperors as an appalling warning against treason. The traumatic effect of the revolt on Claudius was reflected in his unusual authorisation, in order to identify the guilty, of the use of torture on not only slaves but also free men. Later, Messalina and Narcissus utilised the revolt as an excuse to rid themselves of many enemies.

Claudius subsequently tried to restore order by giving pardons and gifts to the families of the executed, even though there was evidence of their possible involvement too in the conspiracy. However, despite this attempt to display even-handed treatment of the close relations of the condemned, the hostility of many Senators was maintained and the result was more attempts on the Emperor’s life. Of the 22 ordinary Consuls holding office during the first 6 years of Claudius’ reign, 6 lost their lives through real or falsely alleged involvement in treachery. The overriding Imperial paranoia had made Messalina’s own subversive plans, to subvert potential impediments to her own bright future, such as Valerius Asiaticus and Marcus Licinius Crassus Frugi, whose sad downfalls I have already described, much easier to accomplish.

Such continued unrest caused the Emperor to seek an alliance with the Silanii. At the time, the strongest qualification for the Principate in the public’s mind was a direct blood relationship to the divine Augustus, which Claudius did not possess whilst others did.

There were therefore families who apparently had a better title to power, through such a bloodline, than Claudius. The Junii Silani, a large clan, proud of their distinction, was foremost.

Th alliance led to the betrothal of Claudius’ daughter by Messalina, Octavia, to Lucius Junius Silanus, even though the marriage could not be consummated until DCCCV, when the girl came of age at 13. The prospective groom, who was also granted many other privileges, thereby became a much stronger candidate for the succession through this Imperial connection until, as I have also previously related, being accused of incest with his sister and subsequently committing suicide. Nevertheless, other Silanii continued to pose a threat to those aiming for ultimate power, causing Agrippina in particular to regard them with enmity.

Aside from this sadly too common familial rivalry, the present relative tranquillity in the palace and throughout the Empire suited Claudius. Instead of dealing with wars and crises, the Emperor, whilst conscientiously attending to more mundane Imperial affairs, such as his major role in legal matters, could also concentrate on his own passions. These included, in no particular order, bloodthirsty gladiatorial contests, Agrippina’s body, much wine, gambling, and historical writing.

Strangely, Claudius’ main interests did not include his delightful young son, 9 year-old Britannicus, or daughter, 11 year-old Octavia, primarily because of the Emperor’s adoption of typical Roman patrician attitudes towards children. This advocated that offspring were to be rarely seen and never heard until adulthood, with slaves and tutors primarily responsible for the welfare and upbringing of youngsters.

I believe that Claudius loved his children but, following the fashion of the Roman elite, he rarely afforded them much time. Meanwhile, Agrippina ensured that her husband came to know his new stepson much better.

From my position as principal eunuch food-taster for the Emperor, I had noticed that Agrippina had adopted her predecessor’s tactic of making her attractive 35 year-old body available to Claudius only whenever she wanted something. It was an obvious ruse that I am sure the Princeps recognised. However, he invariably allowed the female stratagem to be successful.

I believe that Claudius’ patience towards such wifely guile stemmed largely from his advancing years. He was now 60, 25 years older than Agrippina, and simply wanted to spend his final years in domestic harmony, if not bliss, hopefully with similar accord prevalent throughout his Empire.

Claudius also wanted to bequeath the Empire a worthy successor as Princeps, someone who would not only carry on the Julio-Claudian bloodline but also maintain relative peace and prosperity. He did not want a repetition of the destructive civil wars of the previous century and was currently wondering how this happy scenario could be achieved. It was Agrippina who, with the help of Seneca’ sage advice, now produced the winning solution.

Meanwhile, the now 20 year-old Axenius assumed, as a true friend should, the burden of visiting me to proffer his own advice, which, for me, unfortunately represented very bad news. Palaemon had confided in the beautiful blonde Germanian that my beloved Gaius was imperilling the satisfactory completion of his education by ignoring his parent’s wish to fund him on a grand tour of the Empire. Such trips are customarily undertaken by young men of rich background to round off their learning.

Gaius had not told me about such parental desires, or the pressure that he was under to meet them, because he knew that such a tour would take him away from Rome, and from me, probably for over a year. According to Axenius, the young man from Volsinii was sacrificing this invaluable end to his education for love of me.

Axenius was, of course, appraising me of the situation because he, and Palaemon, believed that I, not Gaius, should be making a personal sacrifice. However, neither the renowned teacher nor his young Germanian heir had to inform me bluntly of their views. I instead instantly realised, on hearing what my fellow eunuch had come to tell me, that they both thought that, if I truly loved the young man from Volsinii, I should not only permit him to embark on his tour but also positively encourage the trip.

I thanked Axenius for his information, with as much fortitude as I could muster. However, the length and intimacy of our subsequent parting embrace caused me to appreciate that my Germanian friend had recognised my misery, which stemmed from my cognisance that Gaius would soon be lost to me for a long time. Such understanding also made me weep profusely after my fellow eunuch had departed.

Nevertheless, when the now 20 year-old young man from Volsinii later paid me his daily visit, I had somehow sufficiently recovered from my anguish to enable me to display fortitude, composure, resolution and sound argument in the inevitable heated discussion with my lover. I was rarely able to better Gaius in debate but I am proud to say that, on this occasion, and as a result of my adoption of such attributes, I emerged from the discourse with a victory, although one that was undoubtedly personally pyrrhic.

Two weeks later, Gaius, with the inevitable and now 8 year-old Hylas at his side, set off from Ostia, on a boat bound for Corinth in Greece. How I managed to release my grip on his divine body on the quayside, or prevent tears from gushing from my sorrowful eyes, until his ship had sailed and was out of sight, still amazes me to this day.

Palaemon had kindly lent his carpentum for Gaius’ short journey to Ostia, with the young man from Volsinii’s luggage, pretty slave and distraught lover. The renowned teacher had also furnished the company of his heir, Axenius. However, I knew that my fellow eunuch was present primarily for the return trip from the port, when he would comfort me, knowing that I would be deeply distressed at having successfully made my sacrifice.

I do not know, reader, whether you have ever experienced the mental awfulness that comes with bereavement involving a loved one. As Axenius hugged me in the privacy of the back of Palaemon’s carpentum, as the coach returned us to Rome, I felt, as my tears flowed endlessly, that I had just suffered such a traumatic loss.

As I currently sat alone in my room at the Imperial palace, Gaius’ departure had taken place over a month previously. I was still grieving for my beloved.

(Lystra, Roman Imperial Province of Lycaonia, same time)

‘In a word, neither death, nor exile, nor pain, nor anything of this kind is the real cause of our doing or not doing any action, but our inward opinions and principles.’

- Epictetus (‘Discourses’, xi)

Paul did not stay long in Lystra after circumcising Timothy. The last time that the apostle had been in the city, he had been stoned by an angry mob and had only been saved from death by the intervention of friends. He therefore did not want to invite similar calamity, which might not, on this occasion, result in such a fortuitous ending.

Paul was not, of course, concerned about his own welfare. The apostle was instead worried that prolonging his presence in Lystra might have sad consequences for his acquaintances and supporters.

Paul departed Lystra happy in the knowledge that he was leaving behind a growing Christian church. The apostle was heading west, intending eventually to encourage more people to convert to his particular beliefs by visiting the embryonic communities of his sect in Greece.

Amongst those accompanying Paul was the young man who had recently sacrificed his foreskin for the cause, Timothy.

(Plebeian quarter, Rome, same time)

‘The best and safest thing is to keep a balance in your life, acknowledge the great powers around us and in us. If you can do that, and live that way, you are really a wise man.’

- Euripides

Meanwhile, Paul’s colleague, Cephas, who was an advocate of a Christianity that was just a branch of Judaism, had returned to Rome, despite the expulsion of most of the squabbling Jews and known followers of the new sect by Claudius in the previous year. This apostle’s intent was to end the frictions, which had originally caused the Emperor’s extreme action, amongst the remaining Judaic factions.

Paul was currently leaving Nigerinus’ funeral establishment, having secretly performed the last rites for a recently deceased Christian convert. Despite the sadness of the occasion, the apostle departed with a smile on his face, an expression derived by the pleasure garnered from observing how well the now 20 year-old black nullified eunuch had prospered since he had been rescued from prostitution.

As Cephas walked away from Nigerinus’ place of work, he passed a crowded tavern, which was unusually busy for the time of day, especially as free gladiatorial games were currently taking place in the Amphitheatre of T. Statilius Taurus on the Campus Martius. The apostle could not help but be nosy as to the cause of the inn’s sudden afternoon popularity and so peered inside.

Cephas saw the gladiator, Didius, renowned not only for his fighting ability but also for having no cock. However, the celebration being indulged by the famous retiarius was clearly in honour of the former rather than the latter attribute, evidenced by the copious blood still present on his garments, symbolic of yet another recent victory in the Amphitheatre of T. Statilius Taurus.

Cephas quickly left the drunken scene in disgust, whilst also saying a quiet prayer for the poor soul Didius had presumably recently despatched from this world, and the others who undoubtedly preceded, or would follow, at the hands of others or by the jaws of terrified famished animals. The apostle’s body simultaneously shuddered at the thought of the bloody mayhem, which that day was again being perpetrated in the nearby arena in the name of entertainment.

(Banks of the River Baetis, near Corduba, Baetica, southern Hispania, same time)

‘Ubi bene, ibi patria.’

(‘Where one is happy, there is one’s homeland.’)

- Pacuvius (‘Teucer’)

Corduba, aside eponymous forested hills and alternatively called Cordova, had once been the capital of the Túrdulos, a people of Assyrian origin. The metropolis then fell successively into the control of the Phoenicians, Carthaginians and Romans, all of who kept the local River Baetis navigable and commercially active from its distant mouth in the Oceanus Atlanticus, which was beyond the Columnae Herculis from the Mare Internum.

Under Roman influence, the expansion of Corduba really began because the city became the first place that patricians in numbers chose to colonise beyond Italia. The influence of these upper-class immigrants ensured that the metropolis became the capital of the southern Hispania province of Baetica, with its own mint.

Unfortunately, Corduba took the side of Pompey in the civil struggles with Caesar and, on the defeat of the former and his sons, the city was sacked by the troops of the latter. However, by my time, the metropolis had recovered both its stature and splendours, which now included 16 year-old Persius and Quintilianus and 11 year-old Marcus Annaeus Lucanus.

Corduba was the home city of Lucanus, as well as his uncle, Seneca. He and his two older friends, Persius and Quintilianus, were spending their second successive summer in Hispania, having mutually immensely enjoyed their last break together here, far away from Rome.

Quintilianus was also a native of Hispania, although of Calagurris far to the north. The boys’ families had agreed that the three friends could again stay together, as they had safely done the previous year, splitting their holidays equally between the two home cities, despite the fact that the metropolises were almost 400 Roman miles apart.

Persius, Quintilianus and Lucanus would first spend a few weeks in Corduba with L’s family before moving north into the province of Tarraconensis, where Calagurris was located in the district of Vascones on the River Iberus. Meanwhile, the threesome was currently frolicking naked in a quiet, secluded tree-lined spot on the banks of the Baestis.

The local wood, a couple of Roman miles outside Corduba, was full of evergreen oak, as well as beech, chestnut, cork, elm and poplar trees. Shrubs and herbs were common natural vegetation. Esparto grass, used for making paper and various fibre products, grew abundantly.

Local fauna included wild boar, deer, goat and hare, as well as the fox, lynx, wildcat and wolf, although most of these animals tended to steer well clear of man. Birdlife was abundant and included several varieties of birds of prey. Insect life abounded, but not too unpleasantly, and the River Baestis and its tributary streams teemed with fish such as barbel, tench and trout.

Persius, Quintilianus and Lucanus had long since shed any timidity at appearing naked in front of each other, having now shared a room and baths at Palaemon’s domus for residential pupils in Rome for almost two years. P and Q had also enjoyed each other’s bodies on a regular basis for much longer, having been introduced to these particular delights, when mere 13 year-olds, by their previous astute roommate, my beloved Gaius. Three years later, neither had yet lost interest in each other’s growing but still delectable young forms, although both now thought that it was about time that their younger companion, L, also lost his apparent inhibitions about sexual matters.

The very handsome Persius and Quintilianus had frequently indulged in blatant shared sexual activity in front of immensely pretty Lucanus, whose facial expressions had invariably indicated interest in the goings on, as well as possibly a little jealousy. However, P and Q, both of whom would be awarded their toga virilis during their summer stays at home, had not yet managed to seduce L into participation, although they suspected that they had interested the boy sufficiently to encourage the 11 year-old to begin to play with himself.

Persius and Quintilianus eventually decided to bring matters literally to a head and had planned their little escapade for this very moment. After the naked pair emerged from the cool waters of the River Baestis, closely followed by the similarly nude Lucanus, they ran, bodies dripping wet and glistening in the hot bright sunshine, to the cover of nearby trees. Their abandoned light summer clothing rested here, alongside the debris of partly consumed packed lunches.

As soon as Lucanus had caught up with Persius and Quintilianus, under the welcome shade of a particularly large oak tree, he heard P tell Q to “Grab him!” Before L knew what had happened, the damp 11 year-old had been pinioned, face-up, on the cool grassy ground.

Persius held Lucanus’ lovely lithe legs, whilst Quintilianus resolutely controlled the young nude boy’s arms. L was too shocked to struggle but did manage to ask “What are you doing?” “This!” P instantly answered.

Lucanus then felt his smooth flaccid cock engulfed by Persius’ rosy lips. “But….” was the only word L managed in protest before unprecedented delicious emotions began to overwhelm his gorgeous body and his intended protestations. Instead, as P’s act of delectable fellatio continued, the 11 year-old’s beautiful form began to writhe in pleasure so much that Q knew that he could release his younger friend’s arms without endangering the sexual entrapment of the youngster.

Quintilianus’ supposition, that Lucanus would not attempt escape, was evidenced by 11 year-old hands now gently coming to rest on top of Persius’ head, as it bobbed slowly up and down on a sudden, surprisingly large, fulsome erection. Further proof was also provided by the low groans of delight emerging from L’s own lips, which eventually reached a crescendo when the youngster was brought to wondrous orgasm, which produced no semen, just a little clear fluid. P found the substance quite tasty.

After Persius finally terminated his oral attention to Lucanus’ very nice cock, none of the three friends initially said anything. They instead just lay back on the grass, side-by-side, contemplating the blue cloudless sky, observable through the oak branches above, whilst allowing the warm air to dry their sublime bodies. However, as L’s cock softened, the larger penises of P and Q remained resolutely hard, a state they had entered during the recent riverbank sexual activity.

Lucanus eventually recovered from his previously unparalleled post-sex reverie to observe the condition of his friends’ private parts, the excitement of which had been maintained by gentle stroking by the owners. The boy noticed again that the uncut organs concerned were not unlike his own pleasant equipment, apart from being bigger and, unlike his own, now possessing little crowns of pubic hair. The 11 year-old also appreciated that the rampant genitalia seemed to be expecting some reward for the pleasure he had just been given.

Still without a word being said, Persius and Quintilianus then experienced younger lips and fingers learning how to suck, lick and manhandle friendly cocks alternatively, until both vertical 16 year-old penile shafts erupted like fountains, emitting much white creamy liquid. Lucanus had avoided swallowing the product on this occasion but all three friends realised that the boy should soon learn that skill as well.

As Persius, Quintilianus and Lucanus later returned to the river for a further swim to clean and reinvigorate themselves, the threesome also recognised that future riverside skinny-dipping, as well as life as roommates back in Rome, would not quite be the same again.

(Domus of Rubellius Plautus, Rome, same time)

‘Learn to see in another's calamity the ills which you should avoid.’

- Publius Syrus

Rubellius Plautus looked into Seneca’s eyes. The fearful youth saw no sadism there, just duty. However, the 17 year-old appreciated that the man had nevertheless come to inflict pain and momentarily considered disobeying his command.

After all, Rubellius Plautus now wore the toga virilis of manhood and, with his father dead, he thought that perhaps he should not still be subject to ‘pater potestas’. However, his family elders, led by Agrippina, had decreed that the youth was still displaying too much immaturity, as evidenced by his recent pranks, conducted in the company of Otho and Silius Italicus, to live for the moment without such authority. They had therefore eventually awarded the paternal powers, at the Empress’ suggestion, to Seneca, who intended to use them fully, albeit also wisely, until the 17 year-old began to behave like a proper adult.

The period taken to decide and appoint Seneca to his new paternal role accounted for the time-lag between Rubellius Plautus’ now imminent punishment and Otho’s much earlier departure, with his father, from Rome for Germania Inferior. Silius Italicus’ own bottom had also already healed from his own previous chastisement at parental hands for the same misdemeanour, which had been endured weeks previously.

Neither Agrippina nor Seneca were being hypocritical in their stances. The tutor of Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus had introduced, with the Empress’ permission, similar firm discipline into his very surprised new pupil’s life, albeit more gently, as befitted someone who was four years younger than Rubellius Plautus. Claudius’ new stepson had not only failed, in his early tearful entreaties to his mother, to have his new tutor dismissed for alleged brutality, which in reality amounted to the end of his previously lazy pampered life, but also been beaten across his bare buttocks by his teacher for making such complaints.

Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus stopped his pleas to his mother when he learnt that his punishments for protesting were inflicted with happy maternal acquiescence. The boy instead eventually decided to adapt himself to the new regime, which began to permeate his whole lifestyle, including diet. The result of this adoption of better habits was to be a gradual but ultimately amazing transformation in both external attitude and physique. However, only time would reveal whether the youngster’s internal mental disposition had truly changed too.

Naturally, his younger cousin was currently far from Rubellius Plautus’ mind whilst he contemplated whether to disobey Seneca’s command. However, in the end, the youth had too much sense of family tradition and honour not to respect the freshly declared new holder of ‘pater potestas’. The handsome young man therefore reluctantly began to unravel the copious rich folds of his toga virilis from his lovely form.

As Rubellius Plautus stripped, the youth felt intensely self-conscious because of the presence of not only the man who would soon flog his naked body but also two 15 year-old boys. Seneca had brought two young assistants to help him.

One was pretty Silius Italicus, who had played a relatively minor role in the casting of drunks into the River Tiber and had consequently escaped with a lighter beating from his own father than that intended for Rubellius Plautus’ bare posterior. However, the boy was present both to help his older friend’s subjection to ‘pater potestas’ and to witness the event, as a warning about what he could expect if he re-offended.

The other pretty 15 year-old assistant was someone previously unknown to either Rubellius Plautus or Silius Italicus. His name was Marcus Cocceius Nerva, a rather simple but nevertheless straightforwardly pleasant boy, whose similarly named father and grandfather, the latter a water-commissioner and close friend of Tiberius, had been well regarded for their legal talents.

Seneca knew the Cocceii family well from his own time working in jurisprudence and thought the advent of such a boy, in place of Otho, into the lives of Rubellius Plautus and Silius Italicus might help to calm the pair. As was common, the man’s cunning furtive stratagem was to succeed splendidly, albeit aided by other tactics, such as the imminent use of the crop.

Rubellius Plautus was eventually looking very shame-faced, as he stood naked before Seneca, who was dressed in a formal toga despite the summer heat, and the man’s two young assistants, both attired in short light sleeveless tunics. The 17 year-old initially tried to reduce his intense embarrassment by hiding his genitalia behind his hands but such modesty was quickly brought to an end by holder of ‘pater potestas’, who was now keen to expedite the unpleasant but necessary business as soon as possible.

“Thank you for undressing,” Seneca politely remarked before requesting “Now, please turn round and bend over, with legs apart and hands firmly grasping ankles. Because of the danger that you might not be able to retain this position whilst I beat you, Silius Italicus and Marcus Cocceius Nerva will support you firmly on either side.”

Rubellius Plautus looked again at the crop in Seneca’s hand that would soon inflict much pain and many marks to his buttocks. However, the youth tried to avoid exhibiting a grimace or other sign of fear, as he complied with the man’s instruction, although his sensuous eyes gave away his trepidation and abashment. These sensations increased still further when the 17 year-old assumed the requested demeaning pose, but not just because of the degradation of the posture.

To his acute horror, as Rubellius Plautus now looked behind him, through his own legs from an upside down perspective, he noticed that his cock was rigid, a phenomenon that would also be clearly observable by Seneca and the two younger boys present. The youth’s inverted face, already red in embarrassment at his nudity and fear at what was about to occur, immediately assumed a darker hue at this humiliating discovery.

Rubellius Plautus did not, of course, know it at the time but the two boys, who now advanced to hold him in accordance with Seneca’s wishes, shared his penile hardness. Fortunately for their own abashed consciences, this stimulation was safely hidden beneath their tunics, amidst their underwear. Both 15 year-old’s had appreciated the beauty of the 17 year-old’s form, virtually smooth apart from small light outcrops of hair in his armpits and above his genitalia. However, their own sexual excitement had then guiltily been intensified by not only the show of virility put on by the imminent victim of the crop but also the thought of what was about to happen to the beautiful curves of the lustrous but vulnerable buttocks on display.

Seneca took up the necessary position behind Rubellius Plautus and ensured that his two 15 year-old assistants were holding the youth in the appropriate manner. The man had noticed his imminent young victim’s erection. However, he knew from experience that such an exhibition was not an uncommon feature of such punishments. He was therefore easily able to dismiss the display quickly from his mind, although only after briefly wondering whether the 17 year-old might cum during the cropping of his pleasant young posterior, which again would not be an unusual event.

“You will receive twenty blows,” Seneca announced to the dismay of not only Rubellius Plautus but also the two boys who were now supporting the youth. Silius Italicus had only received four hits from his own father. He therefore particularly experienced varying intense emotions to add to his genital excitement, as he heard the declaration. The 15 year-old felt extremely sorry for his older friend, as well as very grateful that he had escaped so lightly. He was also amazed that Roman society permitted such punishment to be inflicted upon a member of the Imperial family, the great grandson of Tiberius, who might be the Emperor one day.

Rubellius Plautus intended to try to be as brave as possible, as the efficient, hefty blows rained down on his buttocks, hoping to avoid the shame of crying out or shedding tears. In the event, the youth did not issue a yelp until the fifth agonising clout of the crop across his anguished bottom coincided with one of the vivid red stripes created by an earlier hit, causing a little blood to form at the scene.

Sobs finally began with the twelfth strike, by which time the 17 year-old’s formerly very attractive rear was almost universally red, so well had most of the blows been aligned. However, an especially excruciating return to previously chastised territory was now inevitable.

It was the nineteenth clout that induced sexual climax. Both Silius Italicus and Marcus Cocceius Nerva recognised instantly why they were now encountering unprecedented difficulty in holding Rubellius Plautus in the required position. They could observe the stream of cum shoot forwards from the youth’s hard throbbing cock, to fall towards the ground in a long wide arc, as well as feel the 17 year-old’s matching orgasmic bodily trembling.

Seneca’s earlier querying of whether Rubellius Plautus might cum during his punishment was therefore answered. However, it did not prevent the deliverer of ‘pater potestas’ from inflicting one final excruciating strike of his crop across the now fulsomely screaming and lachrymose youth’s badly hurting scarlet posterior.

Afterwards, as another forewarning lesson to Silius Italicus, Seneca invited the 15 year-old to apply the selected healing salve to his older friend’s temporarily damaged and exceedingly sore buttocks. However, this further learning exercise did not prevent the boy from subsequently furtively masturbating at the earliest opportunity, whilst his mind was full of the, for him, guiltily erotic scene he had just witnessed. Marcus Cocceius Nerva was also later to replicate this action in the privacy of his own family domus.

Nevertheless, the fundamental lesson, which Seneca was hoping to convey, was learnt that day by both Rubellius Plautus and Silius Italicus. They subsequently adopted a much more mature discipline in their outlook on life, a development undoubtedly helped by becoming more distant to the roguish Otho, whilst nurturing a friendship with the quiet, well-behaved Marcus Cocceius Nerva.

In fact, for Rubellius Plautus and Silius Italicus, the painful event in the garden of the former was actually to be defining moment in the formation of their eventual characters, just as Seneca had intended.

(Imperial palace, Rome, next day)

‘Variatio delectat!’

(‘There’s nothing like change!’)

- Cicero (‘De Divinatione’)

There were two reasons why Seneca had suggested to Agrippina that Palaemon and Cornutus should be Britannicus’ new tutors, despite the fact that most of the patrician class considered freed slaves, with wide interests in commerce, to be unacceptable leaders of their sons’ education.

First, the Empress’ advisor recognised quality teachers when he saw them. Second, he knew well not only Palaemon, from his previous time in Rome, but also Cornutus. If you recall, reader, I have mentioned, in an earlier chapter of my saga, that the latter had been a slave of Seneca’s father. He had been granted his freedom in the rhetorician’s will when the old man had died at the ripe age of 95, ten years previously.

Despite his tender years, Britannicus also recognised quality teachers when he saw them and delighted in the quality of his new education, although he remained saddened at the fates of his previous proficient tutors. As a result, the youngster’s already excellent knowledge and aptitudes, as well as that of his playmate, Titus, who was allowed to share the prince’s tuition, advanced rapidly. However, this was to change temporarily for the worse when, one evening, Seneca himself came to appraise the boy of some ominous familial developments.

Britannicus’ stepmother, Agrippina, had been granted the title of ‘Augusta’, the same as that bestowed on Livia, widow of the divine Augustus, in the first Emperor’s will 36 years previously. Tiberius did not like such titles and so had not used them during his reign but his successor, Gaius Caligula, had afforded it to his paternal grandmother, Antonia Minor, just before she died of old age.

Claudius subsequently rejected a move by the Senate, prompted by his first Empress, to give the title to Messalina. However, Agrippina’s influence over her husband was to prove superior to that of her deceased predecessor and she had already managed to persuade her spouse that she should be the first wife of a living Princeps to be awarded the honour.

The title granted the new Empress certain unprecedented rights, which, in contemporary Rome, were normally only associated with men. She also subsequently began to appear with her husband on coins, with the inscription ‘Iulia Augusta Agrippina’. However, it was not the elevation of Britannicus’ stepmother to the honour that had caused the boy to sob profusely, after Seneca had departed and despite Apollinus’ attempts to comfort his beautiful young charge.

Britannicus’ upset had instead been caused by a different simultaneous and more sinister development, which did not augur well for his own future.

(Umbria, Italia, same time)

No act of kindness, no matter how small, is ever wasted.

- Aesop (Fable of ‘The Lion and the Mouse’)

At the same time, in Palaemon’s Umbrian vineyard, far to the northeast of Rome, the new brother of Apollinus and Helius was enjoying cena with the boys’, and his own, parents.

Palaemon himself had been delighted to pay for the efficient but expensive lawyer who had drawn up the document formally confirming 19 year-old Servius’ adoption by the freed parents of Apollinus and Helius. The latter pair of siblings, partly from feeling a little guilty at living separately from their mother and father in Rome, but mainly because they genuinely liked their new adopted brother, were themselves very pleased at the development.

Servius had not only established an immediate close rapport with the parents of Apollinus and Helius, after his arrival in Umbria, but also their country vineyard. The young eunuch’s suicidal depression had lifted and he was enjoying life once more, actually relishing arduous work in his lovely rural surroundings, an attitude assisted by the caring fondness exhibited by his hosts. One consequence of his new life and environment was the restoration of his gelded body to handsome young manly proportions once more. Not just a few of the local peasant girls were very sad that the newcomer was not a realistic proposition to be a husband.

On their part, the parents of Apollinus and Helius welcomed the opportunity to have such an agreeable guest. Although Servius was initially clearly in need of help and affection to overcome his mental traumas, he later began to bring youthful spirit again to his hosts’ simple but pleasant home, an atmosphere that had been much missed since Helius’ departure for Rome.

In the circumstances, Servius’ mental and physical healing processes were rapid and his speedy transformation into surrogate son was perhaps not surprising.

(Nemea, Argolis, Greece, next morning)

‘Athletes when sluggish are revitalised by love-making, and the voice is restored from being gruff and husky.’

- Pliny the Elder (‘Natural History’, XXVIII.58)

Athenodoros was beginning his quest to become the youngest ever periodonikes. Having become the adult Olympic stade champion the previous year, aged only 16, he was now attempting to win the similar event at the biennial Nemean Games, where he had won the junior event two years earlier.

Athenodoros was performing his early morning exercises under the close supervision of his new, exceptionally young coach, who also happened to be the 17 year-old’s proud lover. Melankomas, having given up boxing on successful completion of his pledge to his deceased pedagogue, but still wishing to accompany the young Aigion to games, had succeeded Sarapion, although the latter still attended the major events to proffer his help and advice.

Sarapion, personally enriched once more, this time through Athenodoros’ success, had himself fallen in love in Aigion and had married the beautiful young woman concerned, who was already pregnant with their first child. He had therefore wanted to retire from the athletic circuit to settle in his new home city with his literally embryonic family, and could have wished for no-one better than Melankomas to replace him.

Sarapion taught Melankomas all he knew about athletic coaching. The now 21 year-old Carian added a few fine features of his own to the Alexandrian’s excellent techniques to emerge, despite his relative youth, as one of the world’s best sports trainers. However, he never returned to the savagery of boxing because no-one appeared to have learnt from the lesson that he had tried to convey, namely that you did not have to indulge in brute force to be a winner. The young man instead concentrated on running and, with the beautiful Athenodoros’ unselfish acquiescence, the pentathlon for certain other select athletes.

Nemea is situated on the Peloponnese peninsula, just to the southwest of Corinth. The local Games are held in the sanctuary of Zeus in memory of Opheltes, baby son of an early king. An oracle had foretold the child’s death if he was ever allowed to touch the ground and his nurse, Hypsipyle, was charged never to let this happen.

One day, the ‘Seven Against Thebes’ passed through Nemea, on their way to attack the Boiotian city, and asked Hypsipyle for water. The nurse laid the baby, Opheltes, on a celery plant to comply with their request. Unfortunately, a large snake then appeared and devoured the child.

One consequence of this legend is the fact that the prize for victory at the Nemean Games is a wreath of celery. As the naked Athenodoros and clothed Melankomas finished the preliminary preparations for the day’s adult stade, and walked, with arms over each other’s shoulders, back to the large athletic changing facility, or ‘apodyterion’, their aim was for the former to acquire afterwards another such trophy. They also planned a later night of love to celebrate victory by ending the young Aigion’s month-long bout of chastity.

Meanwhile, breakfasting nearby and looking forward to watching another day of contest, or ‘athlos’ in Greek, were Gaius and Hylas.

(Imperial palace, Rome, same time)

‘Nothing endures but change.’

- Heraclitus (quoted by Diogenes in ‘Lives of Eminent Philosophers’)

Doryphoros emerged, with the now 15 year-old Helius at his side, from Narcissus’ palace quarters. They immediately began to discuss the new role they had been allocated by the Imperial secretary, with the Emperor’s express approval.

Doryphoros, with the help of his beautiful young lover Helius, were to attend to the administrative affairs of 13 year-old Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus.

(Domus of Petronius, Rome, same time)

‘That proverbial saying - “Ill news goes quick and far”!’

- Plutarch

Petronius’ personal slave woke his master from overnight repose at an unusually early hour. The ‘elegentiae arbiter’ had instructed his servant to do so because he had been commissioned to perform another literary labour. However, he was performing today’s task gratis, which was in marked contrast to his other writing work. The latter, along with the patronage of a number of rich admirers of his talents, was beginning to enrich him, facilitating his recent move to a much bigger and resplendent domus.

Petronius’ service was being provided free today despite the fact that the young recipient of his literary instruction in creative writing came from the richest and most powerful family in Rome. The almost unprecedented largesse of the ‘elegentiae arbiter’ was also not being granted because his young pupil was so bright and delightful. The young man had instead become involved in such generous activity because of pleas for help from the boy’s slave.

After finally managing to quell Britannicus’ tears and distress for now, and nurse his young charge to eventual belated sleep, Apollinus had rushed to Petronius’ new resplendent domus, which was located not far from the Imperial palace. It was a journey that the 18 year-old now undertook most nights after putting the 9 year-old prince to bed. However, on this occasion, his eagerness to cover the intervening distance was not induced because of a desperate desire to fall into the tender embraces of the ‘elegentiae arbiter’ but to unburden himself of his own distress.

Soon, Palaemon, with Axenius, and Cornutus were summoned by slaves to a meeting at Petronius’ house to discuss Apollinus’ woeful news. One consequence of the resultant discussion was the adoption of the ‘elegentiae arbiter’ as another of Britannicus’ tutors. The idea was not to improve further the quality of the young prince’s education, although that outcome would undoubtedly be a favourable by-product of the association, but to bring another welcome adult into a group that possessed both ready access to the boy and great concern for his future welfare.

Palaemon knew that Seneca’s approval for the recruitment of Petronius, as one of Britannicus’ roster of highly capable tutors, would not be difficult to achieve. However, what no-one at the time appreciated was that the advent of the ‘elegentiae arbiter’, in a role at the Imperial palace, was to have a much greater effect in the years ahead on another young resident of the luxurious edifice high on the Palatine Hill.

(Banks of the River Baetis, near Corduba, Baetica, southern Hispania, same time)

‘Sic erat in fatis.’

(‘Thus it was written in destiny.’)

- Ovid (‘Fasti’)

After another nude swim, Persius, Quintilianus and Lucanus were again indulging in mutual sexual pleasures when the privacy of their secluded riverside setting was rudely interrupted by the sudden arrival of a group of ten mounted auxiliary soldiers. The military riders had apparently unfortunately coincidentally selected the location to water their mounts.

“Well, what have we here?” the apparent leader of the group asked before answering his own question by suggesting “Three young lovelies, apparently hot for sex!” “Well, men,” the ugly bearded man then continued, as ten mounted horses surrounded the trio of young beautiful prone nudes, caught whilst Lucanus was servicing Persius’ penis orally and Quintilianus’ similarly erect member manually, “I think we can oblige them!”

The ten soldiers then dismounted too quickly to permit the shamed and horrified Persius, Quintilianus and Lucanus to escape from the scene and the three naked boys were soon in the firm grip of the auxiliaries. P and Q were still displaying unsatisfied erections when the leader of their captors enquired “Right, who’s having my cock inside them first, whilst the other whores serve my friends?”

What now transpired, on the secluded tree-lined bank of the River Baetis, just outside Corduba, in the province of Baetica in southern Hispania, far from the Imperial capital, was to have major ramifications for not only the currently relatively insignificant boys about to be raped but also the future of the whole Roman Empire.

(Imperial palace, Rome, same time)

“By thirst incited; to the brook

The Wolf and Lamb themselves betook.

The Wolf high up the current drank,

The Lamb far lower down the bank.

Then, bent his ravenous maw to cram,

The Wolf took umbrage at the Lamb.

“How dare you trouble all the flood,

And mingle my good drink with mud?”

“Sir,” says the Lambkin, sore afraid,

“How should I act, as you upbraid?

The thing you mention cannot be,

The stream descends from you to me.”

Abash'd by facts, says he, “I know

’Tis now exact six months ago

You strove my honest fame to blot!”

“Six months ago, sir, I was not!”

“Then ‘twas th’ old ram, thy sire,” he cried,

And so he tore him, till he died.

To those this fable I address

Who are determined to oppress,

And trump up any false pretence,

But they will injure innocence.’

- Phaedrus (Fable of ‘The Wolf and the Lamb’)

In keeping with the beginnings of his apparently reformed character, Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus paid a courtesy call on his stepbrother, Britannicus, just after breakfast and before their respective tutors were due to arrive. The younger prince tried to hide the misery, which had earlier been evident on his thankfully now tearless face, in order to receive his unexpected smiling guest.

“I suppose you’ve heard what’s happened,” Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus commented, “to my mother and me. The Empress is now an Augusta, whereas your father has formally confirmed in the Senate his adoption of me as his son. I’ve even acquired a new name in celebration of the occasion!”

“Your father’s full name is, of course, Tiberius Claudius Drusus Nero Germanicus. Accordingly, in his honour, I’ve adopted the new appellation of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus.”

“You, brother,” the former Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus advised, “can, of course, just call me Nero!”

(To be continued in chapter XXXIV – ‘Exiles’)

Errata

In a long, complicated saga, such as ‘Nero’, which is entirely based on known historical fact, I am afraid that the odd error will inevitably creep into the narrative. I hereon intend to correct significant mistakes, which pertain to earlier episodes and which I subsequently spot, in an ‘erratum’ placed, whenever appropriate, at the end of future chapters, beginning with this one. I should also be most grateful to be e-mailed by any reader who spies any other inaccuracies, which I do not seem to notice – Pueros.

Erratum I:-

Chapter XXIV (24 – ‘Incest’)

The age of Suffucus was given as 10, whereas he was now 11.

Chapter XXVII (27 – ‘Brothers’)

Suffucus and his younger brother, Aulus Plautius junior, were described as passing their 11th and 5th birthdays respectively, whereas they were celebrating their 12th and 6th.

Chapter XXXI (31 – ‘Wreaths’)

Dates given in some sub-headings were originally incorrect. An amended version of the chapter has now been posted at the board.

*



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